Letter to Members of Parliament and Senators
Parliament of Canada
Re: Bill C-14 ( medical assistance in dying)
23 May, 2016
. . . If it is "unacceptable" for Members of Parliament to use physical force
against each other, surely it is "unacceptable" for state institutions or
others to use the force of law to compel people to be parties to inflicting
death upon others, and to punish those who refuse. . .
[Individually addressed]
Full Text
On behalf of the Protection of Conscience Project I am writing to you
concerning
Bill C-14. The Project was an intervener in the
Carter
case at the Supreme Court of Canada. It does not take a position on the
acceptability of euthanasia or assisted suicide.
The Project submitted a brief to the Standing Committee on Justice and
Human Rights by the deadline, but (like many others) it was not distributed
to Committee members before they concluded their deliberations. In view of
this, the time constraints and the serious nature of the subject, it was
decided to write directly to Members of Parliament and Senators.
Enclosed is the amendment to Bill C-14 proposed by the Project.
Ironically, perhaps, what the Protection of Conscience proposes is not a
protection of conscience amendment. Instead, the amendment is limited to the
criminal law, which is strictly and fully within the jurisdiction of the
Parliament of Canada. It uses the language of
Bill C-14 and the criminal
law: "inflicting death," homicide, suicide and the well-established and
well-understood criminal concept of "parties" to acts.
The proposed amendment would establish that, as a matter of law and
national public policy, no one can be compelled to become a party to
homicide or suicide, or punished or disadvantaged for refusing to do so.
This would not prevent the provision of euthanasia or assisted suicide by
willing practitioners, nor rational arguments aimed at persuading
practitioners to participate, nor the offer of incentives to encourage
participation.
The proposed amendment is an addition that does not otherwise change the
text of Bill C-14. Nor does it touch the eligibility criteria proposed by
Carter, nor the criteria or procedural safeguards recommended by
the House Standing Committee or Senate Committee. It would not, in fact,
affect any further revisions to criteria or procedures that might be
adopted, whether they be more or less restrictive than the current text.
However, the amendment would prevent state institutions or anyone else
fromattempting to force unwilling citizens be a party to killing someone or
aiding in suicide. It would prevent those in positions of power and
influence from harassing, punishing or disadvantaging anyone who refuses to
be a party to inflicting death on others.
This is an eminently reasonable and fully defensible exercise of
Parliament's jurisdiction in criminal law. It is justified by plans for
policies to compel physicians and others to become parties to inflicting
death upon patients, some of which are already in force in Ontario.
The
proposed amendment does not infringe the constitutional jurisdiction of
provinces in tThe
proposed amendment does not infringe the constitutional jurisdiction of
provinces in the administration and enforcement of human rights law. Nor
would it interfere with the full and legitimate exercise of provincial
jurisdiction in health care or the regulation of medical professionals.
Rather, it would re-establish and preserve a foundational principle of
democratic civility: that no one and no state institution should be allowed
to compel unwilling citizens be parties to killing other people.
The importance of such foundational principles was demonstrated in the
House of Commons on 18 May by the conduct of the Prime Minister, by the
volcanic response to his conduct, and by subsequent comments and reflections
by members of all parties, including the Prime Minister himself.
The Prime Minister, apologizing, described his conduct as "unadvisable," "
"unacceptable," and "unbecoming of a parliamentarian." Members of his own
party agreed that his conduct had to be taken "very seriously," that
"physical intervention is never appropriate in this chamber," and that a
member of the opposition directly affected by the Prime Minister's conduct
was "justly aggrieved." The Minister of Health empathized and expressed her
"sincere concern" for "the members who have been hurt by the incident." (See
Hansard,
18 and
19 May, 2016)
Nonetheless, granted that the Prime Minister's conduct was a violation of
parliamentary privilege, nothing he did was remotely comparable to forcing
someone to be a party to killing another human being. That is a gross
violation, not of privilege only, but of human dignity and basic principles
of democratic civility.
If it is "unacceptable" for Members of Parliament to use physical force
against each other, surely it is "unacceptable" for state institutions or
others to use the force of law to compel people to be parties to inflicting
death upon others, and to punish those who refuse.
To claim that Parliament must allow provinces to do this in the interests
of "co-operative federalism" is like asserting that party members must turn
a blind eye to the conduct of their leaders in the interests of party unity,
or that a spouse must turn a blind eye to child abuse in the interests of
preserving a marriage.
The enclosed amendment ought to be common ground in a sea of divergent
opinions about euthanasia and assisted suicide. I earnestly recommend that
you support it.
Sincerely
Sean Murphy,
Administrator
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