Notes toward an understanding of freedom of conscience
16 September,2012
Sean Murphy*
Introduction
Full Text
Discussion has not gone deep enough to address
underlying disagreements about the nature of the human person that shape
disputes about freedom of conscience.
Commentators wrestling with conflicts between claims of conscience made
by health care workers and demands for morally controversial services have
offered a variety of responses. Their arguments have been based on the
legality of procedures,1 upon the nature
of state-delivered health care2 or
fiduciary duty,3 or on notions of
patient abandonment.4 They
have drawn imaginary lines between private and public conduct,5
dwelt upon "the ethics of the profession"6
and social contract theory,7 suggested a
'balance' between access to services and freedom of conscience,8
and sought "compromise" in the form of mandatory referral.9
Appeals have been made to principles of equality and non-discrimination,10
to concepts of professionalism,11 and to
international and human rights law.12
Despite these efforts, controversy about freedom of conscience in health
care continues. It subsides from time to time, only to erupt again with
renewed force when tectonic political and social forces collide. Discussion
has not gone deep enough to address underlying disagreements about the
nature of the human person that shape disputes about freedom of conscience.
The centrality of the human person
Our reflections must begin with and continually return to the human
person, because different beliefs about the nature of the human person yield
different approaches to moral, ethical, legal and political issues.13
For present purposes one need not deal exhaustively with the subject, but it
is necessary to consider what is foundational to freedom of conscience.
The integrity of the human person
The human person who makes claims of conscience is a unique someone who
identifies himself as "I" and "me,"14 who has a single identity, served by a
single conscience that governs his conduct in private and professional life.
This moral unity of the human person is identified as integrity, a virtue
highly prized by Martin Luther King. He described it at as essential for "a
complete life."15
[W]e must remember that it's possible to affirm the existence of God with
your lips and deny his existence with your life. . . . We say with our
mouths that we believe in him, but we live with our lives like he never
existed . . . That's a dangerous type of atheism.16
The integrity or wholeness of the human person was also a key element in
the thought of French philosopher Jacques Maritain. He emphasized that the
human person is a "whole, an open and generous whole," that to be a human
person "involves totality."17
The notion of personality thus involves that of totality and
independence; no matter how poor and crushed a person may be, as such he is
a whole, and as a person subsists in an independent manner. To say that a
man is a person is to say that in the depth of his being he is more a whole
than a part and more independent than servile.18
"Man," he wrote, "is an individual who holds himself in hand by his
intelligence and his will."
He exists not merely physically; there is in him a richer and nobler
existence; he has spiritual superexistence through knowledge and through
love.19
Maritain thus acknowledged that the integral unity of the person comprehends
not only conscience, but intellect and will. It is the will that gives
effect to the judgements of conscience by choosing to pursue a particular
good or avoid a particular evil.
An end, not a means
Maritain also insisted that the human person is an end in himself, not a
means to an end,20 and should never be exploited by someone else "as a tool to
serve the latter's own particular good."21 British philosopher Cyril Joad
applied this to the philosophy of democratic government:
To the right of the individual to be treated as an
end, which entails his right to the full development and expression of his
personality, all other rights and claims must, the democrat holds, be
subordinated. I do not know how this principle is to be defended any more
than I can frame a defence for the principles of democracy and liberty.22
In company with Jacques Maritain, Professor Joad insisted that it is an
essential tenet of democratic government that the state is made for man, but
man is not made for the state.23 To reduce human persons to the status of
tools or things to be used for ends chosen by others is reprehensible: "very
wicked," wrote C.S. Lewis.24 Likewise, Martin Luther King condemned
segregation as "morally wrong and awful" precisely because it relegated
persons "to the status of things."25
Similarly, Polish philosopher Karol Wojtyla (later Pope John Paul II):
. . . we must never treat a person as a means to an
end. This principle has a universal validity. Nobody can use a person as a
means towards an end, no human being, nor yet God the Creator.26
In the landmark 1988 case R v. Morgentaler, Madame Justice Bertha Wilson
of the Supreme Court of Canada, quoting Joad, agreed that a human person
must never be treated as a means to an end - especially an end chosen by
someone else, or by the state. Wilson rejected the idea that, in questions
of morality, the state should endorse and enforce "one conscientiously-held
view at the expense of another," for that is "to deny freedom of conscience
to some, to treat them as means to an end, to deprive them . . .of their
'essential humanity'."27
Tzvetan Todorov, studying accounts of the victims and perpetrators of
atrocities in the Nazi death camps, not only reached the same conclusion,
but explicitly connected the deprivation of humanity to the deprivation of
will:
The goal of the system was to transform everyone into
a cog in a vast machine and thus to deprive them of their will. The guards
attest to this transformation in claiming that they were only following
orders, that it was their duty to obey. They fail to realize that submission
of this sort implies their own depersonalization: they have ceased to see
themselves as an end and have agreed to be merely a means.28
Maritain, Joad, Lewis, King, Wojtyla, Madame Justice Wilson and Tzvetan
Todorov reaffirmed in the twentieth century what Immanuel Kant had written
in the eighteenth: "Act so that you treat humanity, whether in your own
person or in that of another, always as an end and never as a means only."29
The vocation of the human person
It would be meaningless to postulate a freedom
of conscience that is not manifested or expressed in word and deed.
Freedom of conscience is not synonymous with freedom of thought or
freedom of intellectual inquiry. It means the freedom to live in accordance
with one's convictions about good and evil, which, necessarily, involves
external acts. It would be meaningless to postulate a freedom of conscience
that is not manifested or expressed in word and deed.
Through the integral operations of intellect, conscience and will,
manifested in external acts, the human person pursues a unique vocation,
described by Cyril Joad as "the full development and expression of his
personality."30 Others, while not disagreeing with this statement, further
specify that the full development and expression of the human person is a
moral enterprise involving the pursuit of the good. Hence, it inescapably
involves decision-making with an eye to some standard of goodness or
morality.
Different religions, philosophies and political theories have approached
this in different ways. Some propose that the perfection of the human person
- the full actualization of his humanity - is found in an increased capacity
for participation in absolute good. Others deny the existence of an absolute
good, but posit a plurality of moral goods that are autonomously defined and
pursued by each person. On this view, the perfection of the person is not
found in conformity to absolute standards, but in maximization of personal
autonomy or self-realization, as understood by the individual.
The necessity of freedom
Nonetheless, it is generally agreed that moral decision-making requires
freedom, and that moral decision-making may be compromised and can even be
subverted by constraints on freedom. Someone who is forced to do good cannot
truly be credited with a good deed, while someone who is forced to do
something wrong is generally not held responsible for the extorted act.
Underlying this is the notion that a human person acts by means of his will,
and to the extent that his will is constrained he cannot be properly said to
have acted at all.
Conscience
Conscience is a faculty or capacity associated to moral decision making.
Explanations and theories of conscience differ because they are intimately
connected with different understandings of the human person and
transcendence. For present purposes, it is sufficient to acknowledge that
judgements of conscience are integral to the vocation of the human person,
but may result in acts or omissions that others find unacceptable. This
is the basis of conflicts arising from the exercise of
freedom of conscience.
Freedom of conscience
Freedom of conscience can be exercised in two different but complementary
ways; one may pursue an apparent good, or one may avoid an apparent evil.
Some decisions may involve both kinds of choice.
The decision to pursue an
apparent good . . . can be called the exercise of perfective
freedom of conscience . . . a decision to avoid an apparent evil can be
described as an exercise of preservative freedom of conscience.
A traditional view holds that one who freely chooses a moral good
perfects himself to the extent that what is chosen is truly good and not
just apparently so. A moral pluralist might say that the free choice of a
desired good actualizes personal autonomy and thus contributes to an
ultimate end described as self-fulfilment. The decision to pursue an
apparent good in either case can be called the exercise of perfective
freedom of conscience because it is potentially perfective of the human
person.
On the other hand, one who refuses to commit theft, for example, preserves his own
integrity and strengthens his character, but, from a traditional
perspective, does not achieve the kind of personal growth that might be
possible through acts of generosity or charity. A moral pluralist reflecting
on this might hold that such a refusal preserves rather than develops
personal autonomy. Thus, a decision to avoid an apparent evil can be
described as an exercise of preservative freedom of conscience.
Limiting freedom of conscience
Assertions that freedom of conscience must be limited or suppressed in
certain cases are based either on grounds of utility (because its exercise
impedes or frustrates the plans or desires of others) or morality (because
its exercise is wrong and harmful).
Assertions that freedom of conscience must be limited or suppressed in
certain cases are based either on grounds of utility (because its exercise
impedes or frustrates the plans or desires of others) or morality (because
its exercise is wrong and harmful).
It is generally agreed that the state may limit the exercise of freedom of
conscience if it is objectively harmful. The law may prevent someone from
stealing even if it is based on a sincere conviction that there is no right
to private property.
Quite apart from the problem of preventing specific harm, freedom of
conscience may be limited by the state in the interests of the common good.
For example: rules of eligibility for state financial assistance are
developed to provide the greatest number of people the assistance they need,
while minimizing problems that may be associated with providing it. Thus, a
social worker may find that a client is truly in need of financial
assistance, but may be prevented from approving it because the client is
legally ineligible.
That freedom of conscience is impeded in one way does not prevent it from
being exercised in another. If the social worker, as a matter of conscience,
recognizes an obligation to provide financial assistance to an ineligible
client, it may be possible to arrange for it through other channels. Even if
no alternative exists, however, the social worker does not participate in
the ensuing injustice. It occurs against the worker's will, without any
positive action on his part, as a result of the decisions and actions of
others.
Notice that, in these cases the limitation is typically imposed on
perfective freedom of conscience; someone is prevented from doing some
good that he believes ought to be done. Such limitations on freedom of
conscience may interfere with some of the aspirations of citizens or their
pursuit of moral perfection. They are not necessarily inconsistent with
democratic freedom or human dignity. Certainly, restrictions may go too far;
they might fail to demonstrate sufficient understanding and respect for
human freedom and dignity, even if they do not subvert them entirely. But no
polity could long exist without restrictions of some sort on human acts, so
some limitation of perfective freedom of conscience is not unexpected.
Since the state can legitimately limit perfective freedom of conscience
by preventing people from doing what they believe to be good, there is a
temptation to assert that it is equally free to suppress preservative
freedom of conscience by forcing them to do what they believe to be wrong.
The key distinction
. . . there is a significant difference between
preventing someone from doing the good that he wishes to do and forcing
him to do the evil that he abhors.
That temptation must be resisted because there is a significant
difference between preventing someone from doing the good that he wishes to
do and forcing him to do the evil that he abhors.
In the first place, preservative freedom of conscience is more
fundamental than perfective freedom of conscience because the latter depends
upon the preservation of moral character ensured by the former. This is
reflected in the ethical maxim, "First, do no harm," and in St. Augustine's
advice that the beginning of freedom is to be free of crime.31
But the difference goes much deeper than this.
The issue of culpability
. . . culpability for more serious wrongdoing
can be diminished or extinguished only by more oppressive forms of
coercion.
It is generally thought that someone who is forced to do evil against his
will is not culpable; he cannot be blamed for the act. However, while some
kinds of coercion have that effect, not all of them do; a threat to one's
life differs significantly from a threat to one's livelihood or reputation.
Further: the gravity of the evil enters into the calculation. Broadly
speaking, culpability for more serious wrongdoing can be diminished or
extinguished only by more oppressive forms of coercion. There are two
further considerations.
First: it may be held that some things are so gravely wrong that even the
worst forms of coercion cannot extinguish personal culpability, though it
may be significantly diminished. For example: Canadian law does not accept a
defence of coercion for a number of offences, including sexual assault and
arson - even coercion involving direct threats to life. 32 Other jurisdictions
may have similar laws, and analogous reasoning can be applied in purely
moral questions.
The issue of moral responsibility
Second: no act is possible unless a person chooses to act, and that
involves, even if coerced, an act of the will. It remains possible for him
not to act if he is willing to suffer the consequences of refusal.33 In that
limited sense the act is voluntary, and thus engages the person to some
degree.34 If the coercion is sufficient to extinguish personal culpability, it
cannot completely eradicate personal responsibility, nor can it eliminate
personal moral awareness.35
This is not an argument for rigid moralism, inhuman perfectionism, or the
kind of tyrannous legalism that subjected forcibly baptised Muslims and Jews
to the jurisdiction of the Spanish Inquisition.36 But it does explain why a
sense of guilt or shame often haunts people who have been forced to
participate in wrongdoing, and why they may reproach themselves - sometimes
severely - even if others do not.37
Speaking of the shame of concentration camp survivors, Tzvetan Todorov
writes:
In the camps, the individual prisoner is deprived of
his will. He is made to perform acts that he not only disapproves of but
also finds abject, that he does either because he is ordered to or because
he has to do so to survive. Améry compares this feeling to that of a victim
of rape; logically, it is the rapist who ought to feel shame, but in reality
it is the victim who does, for she cannot forget that she was reduced to
powerlessness, to a total dissociation from her will.38
. . . it is . . . plausible to account for . . .
shame or self-reproach as a consequence of the inseparability of the
person and the will - and, thus, an inability to completely separate
oneself from acts and omissions even if they have been coerced.
Todorov accepts Améry's hypothesis that such shame is a product of the
dissociation of the
person from the will. While it would be rash to completely discount this
possibility,39 it is at least as plausible to account for such shame or
self-reproach as a consequence of the inseparability of the person and the
will - and, thus, an inability to completely separate oneself from acts and
omissions even if they have been coerced. This is consistent with other
observations made by Todorov: the hostility directed at rescuers of Jews by
their countrymen after the Holocaust, who see them "as a living reproach,
proof that they themselves could have behaved differently,"40 and his comment
that "it is unbearable to recall the time when one did not do all one could
to defend one's dignity, to care for others, or to keep one's mind alive."41
There is something about complicity in wrongdoing that triggers an almost
instinctive reaction in people, something about it that touches some
peculiar, deep and almost universal sense of abhorrence. One says "almost"
because, of course, there have always been exceptions: Eichmanns, Pol Pots,
Rwandan machete men. And the degree of sensitivity varies from person to
person, from subject to subject, and from one culture to another.
Nonetheless, complicity in wrongdoing is felt to have some real and profound
significance.
Consistent with the sense of shame or guilt felt by many concentration
camp survivors, the nature of that significance is suggested by a number of
expressions: "poisoned" fruit doctrine, "tainted"evidence, money that has to
be "laundered," and "dirty" hands.42 The expressions convey an uncomfortable
sense that something is felt to be soiled by complicity in wrongdoing. What
is that something? And what is the nature of that cloying grime?
Conscience and the person
. . . the sense of uncleanness, taint or shame
associated with complicity in wrongdoing - even if it is coerced - is
the natural response of the human person to something fundamentally
opposed to his nature and dignity.
The answer suggested by the Project is that the "something" is not a
"thing" at all, but the human person: that the sense of uncleanness, taint
or shame associated with complicity in wrongdoing - even if it is coerced -
is the natural response of the human person to something fundamentally
opposed to his nature and dignity.
Moral choice is always in favour of an apparent good of some sort. Should
one choose something harmful to himself - even death - it is chosen because
it is perceived to provide some proportionately greater good. Someone
seeking euthanasia, for example, may believe that death is a good superior
to life burdened by suffering. Someone who chooses to commit a crime against
another does so because of some good that he wants for himself even at the
expense of someone else. One may argue that the perceptions of "the good" in
such cases is mistaken, but even an objectively evil choice is motivated by
a desire for some apparent good. It would be perverse to choose an evil
absent such motivation. Coerced participation in wrongdoing imposes
precisely this kind of perversion upon the victim. By nature disposed to
choose an apparent good, he is made to choose an apparent evil.
It may be argued that, in such a case, the person does not really choose:
that the state, or someone else - the patient, for example - is the one who
chooses, and thus bears the moral responsibility for the act. But this
ignores the essential unity of the human person who experiences moral
culpability, responsibility and awareness. Equally important, when the state
or some other entity substitutes its will for that of the objector, it
deprives him of his will. Recall here the reflections of Tzvetan Todorov,
who notes that both concentration camp guards and concentration camp
survivors were, in different ways, deprived of their wills.
The consequences of forced complicity
Vasily Grossman, commenting upon the excesses of Soviet totalitarianism,
asserts that the regime "did not require holy apostles, fanatic, inspired
builders, faithful, devout disciples. [It] did not even require servants -
just clerks." 43
Tzvetan Todorov quotes Grossman to emphasize that those who operated the
Soviet and Nazi concentration camps were not fanatical ideologues. "The
predominant sort was a different type altogether," he observes, "a
conformist willing to serve whoever wielded power and more concerned with
his own welfare than with the triumph of doctrine."44 They were, in Hannah
Arendt's words, like Adolph Eichmann; "neither perverted nor sadistic" but
just "terribly and terrifyingly normal."45
In explaining how normal men could commit the atrocities characteristic
of the Nazi and Soviet camps, Robert Jay Lifton and Tzvetan Todorov both
identify a phenomenon that is especially relevant here. Lifton calls it
"doubling;"46 Todorov, citing Lifton with approval, describes it as
"compartmentalization," an aspect of "the fragmentation of behaviour, or the
disconnection of conduct from conscience."47
(Lifton) . . . Doubling may well be an important
psychological mechanism for individuals living within any criminal
subculture: the Mafia or "death squad" chief who coldly orders (or himself
carries out) the murder of a rival while remaining a loving husband, father,
and churchgoer.48
(Todorov) The Nazi doctors were not alone in
manifesting this kind of behaviour; one finds it among all professionals who
fail to apply the same ethical standards in their work as they do at other
times, and who, as specialists, accept the unacceptable by reassuring
themselves that in their 'other' life, they behave with dignity and honour. 49
Both Lifton and Todorov emphasize that "doubling" or
"compartmentalization" are often found in ordinary life and may serve useful
purposes.50 Lifton, however, identifies a destructive form of it that he calls
"victimizer's doubling."
While victimizer's doubling can occur in virtually any
group, perhaps professionals of various kinds - physicians, psychologists,
physicists, biologists, clergy, generals, statesmen, writers, artists - have
a special capacity for doubling. In them a prior, human self can be joined
by a "professional self" willing to ally itself with a destructive project,
with harming or even killing others.51
Lifton and Todorov make clear that doubling/compartmentalization made it
possible for guards and others operating the camps to persist in atrocities
because it effectively protected them from feelings of guilt.52
Todorov
remarks that, "as a rule, the legally guilty feel they are innocent while
those who are truly innocent live in guilt."
As Martin Walser, who attended the trial of the
Auschwitz guards in 1963, observes, memories of the camps are far more
devastating to the victims than to their tormentors.53
. . .the reactions of shame, guilt, and a sense
of taint that occur in those forced to be complicit in what they believe
is evil . . . are symptoms of real harm caused by a violation of
personal integrity that deprives people of their essential humanity.
The juxtaposition of the consequences of doubling/compartmentalization on
victimizers and victims suggests a lesson that can be drawn from the work of
Lifton and Todorov. When preservative freedom of conscience is surrendered
voluntarily, the product is victimizer's doubling: the compartmentalization
or division of self that enables evil-doing54 and transforms people into
submissive conformists and docile clerks who easily become the tools of
repressive regimes.55 When it is suppressed by coercion, the result is the
kind of spiritual rape suffered by the victims of the camps.
Hence, the reactions of shame, guilt, and a sense of taint that occur in
those forced to be complicit in what they believe is evil cannot be
dismissed as the product of irrational hypersensitivity or minimized as an
ephemeral emotional response. They are symptoms of real harm caused by a
violation of personal integrity that deprives people of their essential
humanity. 56
Revisiting the question of limits
The foregoing discussion does not answer all of the questions that arise
in these circumstances. However, it does indicate that any proposals to
limit freedom of conscience must first take into account the distinction
between its perfective and preservative forms.
By its nature, perfective freedom of conscience demands much more of
society than preservative freedom of conscience. Limiting perfective
freedom of conscience prevents people from doing the good that they wish
to do, and may (if no alternatives are available) prevent them from
perfecting themselves, fulfilling their personal aspirations or
achieving some social goals. This may do them some wrong; that is why
democratic regimes have been increasingly inclined to err on the side of
freedom, demanding that restrictions on freedom of conscience must be
demonstrably necessary, narrowly framed and strictly construed.57 But if it
does them some wrong, it does not necessarily do them an injury.
. . . to force people to do something they
believe to be wrong is always an assault on their personal dignity and
essential humanity, even if they are objectively in error; it is always
harmful to the individual, and it always has negative implications for
society.
In contrast, to force people to do something they believe to be wrong is
always an assault on their personal dignity and essential humanity, even if
they are objectively in error; it is always harmful to the individual, and
it always has negative implications for society. It is a policy
fundamentally opposed to civic friendship, which grounds and sustains
political community and provides the strongest motive for justice.58 It is
inconsistent with the best traditions and aspirations of liberal democracy,
since it instills attitudes more suited to totalitarian regimes than to the
demands of responsible freedom. By demanding the submission of intellect,
will and conscience it reduces the person to a form of servitude that cannot
be reconciled with principles of equality.
This does not mean that no limit can ever be placed on preservative
freedom of conscience. It does mean, however, that even the strict approach
taken to limiting other fundamental rights and freedoms is not sufficiently
refined to be safely applied to limit freedom of conscience in its
preservative form. The stakes are far too high. Like the use of potentially
deadly force, if the restriction of preservative freedom of conscience can
be justified at all, it will only be as a last resort, and only in the most
exceptional circumstances.
Notes
1. ". . . pharmacists do not have the
right to deny the public's right to obtain legal professional services."
Archer, Frank,
"Religious Conscience Should not Outweigh Professional Obligations to
Patients." National Post, 18 July, 2010. (Accessed 2012-03-07)
2. The President of the College of
Physicians and Surgeons of Ontario offered the following comment during
a controversy about freedom of conscience in medicine: In our society,
we all pay taxes for this medical system to receive services . . . And
if a citizen or taxpayer goes to access those services and they are
blocked from receiving legitimate services by a physician, we don't feel
that's acceptable." Laidlaw, Stuart,"Does
faith have a place in medicine?" Toronto Star, 18
September, 2008. (Accessed 2012-03-05)
3. Cook RJ, Dickens BM, "In Response".
J.Obstet Gyanecol Can, February, 2004; 26(2)112.
4. Cook RJ, Dickens BM, Access to emergency
contraception [letter] J.Obstet Gynaecol Can 2004; 26(8):706
5. "Dr. James Robert Brown, a professor of
science and religion at the University of Toronto, said he agrees with
prosecuting a doctor with that sort of conflict. . . . Religious beliefs
are highly emotional - as is any belief that is effecting your behaviour
in society. You have no right letting your private beliefs effect your
public behaviour." Canning, Cheryl,
"Doctor's faith under
scrutiny: Barrie physician won't offer the pill, could lose his
licence." The Barrie Examiner, February 21, 2002.
6. For example: "The moral position of an
individual pharmacist, if it differs from the ethics of the profession,
cannot take precedence over that of the profession as a whole." College
of Pharmacists of British Columbia Bulletin, Ethics in Practice: Moral
Conflicts in Pharmacy Practice. March/April 2000, Vol. 25, No. 2, P. 5.
For further information about the bulletin and related issues, see
Project Report 2001-01,
College of Pharmacists of British Columbia: Conduct of the Ethics
Advisory Committee, 26 March, 2001.
7.
Doctors in Society: Medical Professionalism in a Changing World.
Royal College of Physicians Report of a Working Party (December, 2005),
para. 2.15. (Accessed 2008-09-06)
8. Galston, William A. And Rogers, Melissa,
Health Care Providers' Consciences and Patients' Needs: The Quest for
Balance. Governance Studies at Brookings, 23 February, 2012. (Accessed 2012-03-02)
9. General Medical Council (United Kingdom)
Good Medical Practice (2006).
(Accessed 2012-03-06)
10. Smeaton, John,
Equality legislation
used to defend conscientious objection to abortion. SPUC Blog, 13
August, 2011. The
opposite view was expressed by Hans Linde of the Swedish Left
Party:"Samvetsvägran är en direkt diskriminering av kvinnor."
(Conscientious refusal is direct discrimination against women.) In
Swedish Parliamentary Debate (11 May, 2011) Re: Resolution 1763(2010) of
the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe.
11. Fernandez-Lynch, Holly, Conflicts of
Conscience in Health Care: An Institutional Compromise. Cambridge,
Mass.: The MIT Press, 2008, p. 13, 38-39, 43
12. Murphy, Sean,
Conscientious Objection
as a Crime Against Humanity. Protection of Conscience Project,
2009.
13. Murphy, Sean,
Freedom of Conscience and the
Needs of the Patient. Presented at the Obstetrics and Gynaecology Conference
New Developments - New Boundaries in Banff, Alberta (November 9-12, 2001),
sponsored by Department of Obstetrics and Gynecology, Faculty of Medicine,
University of Alberta, and the Department of Obstetrics and Gynecology,
Misericordia Hospital, Edmonton, Alberta. Included for present purposes is
the claim that there is no such thing as "human nature" or that the term is
meaningless.
14. Maritain, Jacques (John J.
Fitzgerald, trans.) The Person and the Common Good. Notre Dame,
Indiana: University of Notre Dame Press, 2002, p. 36, 43, 46
15. King, Martin Luther,
Sermon:
The Three Dimensions of a Complete Life. New Covenant Baptist
Church, Chicago, Illinois, 9 April 1967 (Accessed
2005-08-02)
16. King, Martin Luther,
Sermon:
Rediscovering Lost Values. 2nd Baptist Church, Detroit 28
February, 1954 (Accessed 2005-08-02)
17. Maritain, Jacques
(John J. Fitzgerald, trans.) The Person and the Common Good.
Notre Dame, Indiana: University of Notre Dame Press, 2002, p. 59;
Maritain, Jacques (Doris C. Anson, trans.) The Rights of Man and
Natural Law. New York: Gordian Press, 1971, p. 3, 9
18. Maritain, Jacques
(Doris C. Anson, trans.) The Rights of Man and Natural Law. New
York: Gordian Press, 1971, p. 3-4
19. Maritain, Jacques
(Doris C. Anson, trans.) The Rights of Man and Natural Law. New
York: Gordian Press, 1971, p. 3
20. Maritain, Jacques
(Doris C. Anson, trans.) The Rights of Man and Natural Law. New
York: Gordian Press, 1971, p. 65
21. Maritain, Jacques
(Doris C. Anson, trans.) The Rights of Man and Natural Law. New
York: Gordian Press, 1971, p. 45
22. Joad, C.E.M.,
Guide to the Philosophy of Morals and Politics. London: Gollancz
Ltd., (1938), p. 803. Quoted in
R. v. Morgentaler (1988)1 S.C.R 30 at p. 178 (Accessed
2008-09-10)
23. Joad, C.E.M.,
Guide to the Philosophy of Morals and Politics. London: Gollancz
Ltd., (1938), p. 805. Cited in
R. v. Morgentaler (1988)1 S.C.R 30 at p. 178 (Accessed
2008-09-10). See Maritain, Jacques, Man and
the State. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951, p. 13
24. Lewis, C.S., "The
Humanitarian Theory of Punishment." In Hooper, Walter (Ed.) C.S.
Lewis: First and Second Things. Glasgow: William Collins & Sons,
1985, p. 101
25. King, Martin Luther,
Letter
from Birmingham Jail, 16 April, 1963. (Accessed 2005-08-02)
26. Wojtyla, Karol,
Love and Responsibility. San Francisco: Ignatius Press, 1993, p. 27
27.
R. v. Morgentaler (1988)1 S.C.R 30 (Supreme Court of Canada)
(Accessed 2008-09-10).
28. Todorov, Tzvetan,
Facing the Extreme: Moral Life in the Concentration Camps. London:
Phoenix Books, 2000, p. 165. Discussing the early Nazi euthanasia
programme, Lifton states, "Each participant could feel like no more than
a small cog in a vast, officially sanctioned, medical machine. . .The
institutional doctor. . . cultivated - the sense that, as an agent of
the state, he was powerless. . ." Lifton, Robert Jay, The Nazi
Doctors: Medical Killing and the Psychology of Genocide. New York,
Basic Books, 1986, p. 55.
29. Kant, Immanuel,
Fundamental Principles of the Metaphysic of Morals. (Accessed 2008-09-10).
Quoted in The Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy,
"Immanuel Kant
(1724-1804) Metaphysics" (Accessed 2008-09-10).
Todorov quotes this passage from Kant. Todorov, Tzvetan, Facing the
Extreme: Moral Life in the Concentration Camps. London: Phoenix
Books, 2000, p. 158
30. Joad, C.E.M., Guide to the Philosophy of
Morals and Politics. London: Gollancz Ltd., (1938), p. 803. Quoted in
R. v. Morgentaler (1988)1 S.C.R 30 at p. 178 (Accessed 2008-09-10)
31. St. Augustine of
Hippo, In Iohannis Evangelium Tractatus, 41, 10: CCL 36,
363, quoted in John Paul II, Encyclical Evangelium Vitae (25
March, 1995) 75.
32. Criminal Code of
Canada,
Section 17: Compulsion by threats. (Accessed 2010-11-03)
33. ". . . it is
always possible that man, as the result of coercion or other circumstances,
can be hindered from doing certain good actions; but he can never be
hindered from not doing certain actions, especially if he is prepared to die
rather than to do evil." John Paul II, Encyclical Veritatis
Splendor (1993), 52.
34. As noted previously,
Canadian law holds that in some cases this can rise to criminal
responsibility.
35. "Human beings are never entirely unable to choose. However great the pressures, the
individual remains responsible for his actions; otherwise, he renounces
his humanity." Todorov, Tzvetan, Facing the Extreme: Moral Life in
the Concentration Camps. London: Phoenix Books, 2000, p. 232
36. Thousands of Jews and
Muslims were forcibly converted in Spain during the 15th and 16th centuries.
The Spanish Inquisition enforced its jurisdiction over the "converts" by
claiming that they had 'freely chosen' baptism rather than death or
expulsion from Spain; thus, the baptisms were valid. Kamen, Henry, The Spanish Inquisition. London: The Folio Society, 1998,
p. 73, 213-214
37. "Whoever has succumbed
to torture cannot feel at home in the world. The shame of destruction
cannot be erased." Améry,
Jean, At the Mind's Limits. Trans. Sidney Rosenfeld and Stella P.
Rosenfeld. New York: Schocken, 1966. Quoted in Todorov, Tzvetan,
Facing the Extreme: Moral Life in the Concentration Camps. London:
Phoenix Books, 2000, p. 264. Améry
had been tortured in Gestapo prisons.
38. Todorov, Tzvetan,
Facing the Extreme: Moral Life in the Concentration Camps. London:
Phoenix Books, 2000, p. 263
39. ". . . there may exist
a threshold of sufferng beyond which an individual's actions teach us
nothing more about the individual but only about the reactions that
unbearable suffering elicits from the human mechanism." Todorov, Tzvetan,
Facing the Extreme: Moral Life in the Concentration Camps. London:
Phoenix Books, 2000, p. 38-39
40. Todorov, Tzvetan,
Facing the Extreme: Moral Life in the Concentration Camps. London:
Phoenix Books, 2000, p. 227
41. Todorov, Tzvetan,
Facing the Extreme: Moral Life in the Concentration Camps. London:
Phoenix Books, 2000, p. 264
42. A senior Iraqi
surgeon, commenting on the complicity of physicians in torture under
Saddam Hussein, said that "the state wanted them to have 'dirty hands'."
Elahi, Maryam and Kushner, Adam
"Doctors With 'Dirty Hands.'" Physicians for Human Rights Library
(Accessed 2008-09-09). Originally published in
the Washington Post, 8 June, 2003
43. Grossman, Vasily,
Forever Flowing. Trans. Thomas P. Whitney. New York: Harper & Row,
1972, p 193. Quoted in Todorov, Tzvetan, Facing the Extreme: Moral
Life in the Concentration Camps. London: Phoenix Books, 2000, p. 124
44. Todorov, Tzvetan,
Facing the Extreme: Moral Life in the Concentration Camps. London:
Phoenix Books, 2000, 123-124
45. Arendt, Hannah,
Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil.
Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1979, p, 276. Quoted in Todorov, Tzvetan,
Facing the Extreme: Moral Life in the Concentration Camps. London:
Phoenix Books, 2000, p. 124
46. Lifton, Robert Jay,
The Nazi Doctors: Medical Killing and the Psychology of Genocide.
New York, Basic Books, 1986, Chapter 19.
47. Todorov, Tzvetan,
Facing the Extreme: Moral Life in the Concentration Camps. London:
Phoenix Books, 2000, p. 139-140, 141-157.
48. Lifton, Robert Jay,
The Nazi Doctors: Medical Killing and the Psychology of Genocide.
New York, Basic Books, 1986, p. 423
49. Todorov, Tzvetan,
Facing the Extreme: Moral Life in the Concentration Camps. London:
Phoenix Books, 2000, p. 155-156
50. Todorov, Tzvetan,
Facing the Extreme: Moral Life in the Concentration Camps. London:
Phoenix Books, 2000, p. 156. Lifton, Robert Jay, The Nazi Doctors:
Medical Killing and the Psychology of Genocide. New York, Basic
Books, 1986, p. 420, 426-427
51. Lifton, Robert Jay,
The Nazi Doctors: Medical Killing and the Psychology of Genocide.
New York, Basic Books, 1986, p. 464
52. "The way in which doubling allowed Nazi
doctors to avoid guilt was not by the elimination of conscience but by what
can be called the transfer of
conscience. The requirements of conscience were transferred to the
Auschwitz self, which placed it within its own criteria for good (duty,
loyalty to the group, 'improving' Auschwitz conditions, etc.), thereby
freeing the original self from responsiblity for actions there." Lifton,
Robert Jay, The Nazi Doctors: Medical Killing and the Psychology of
Genocide. New York, Basic Books, 1986, p. 421. "Compartmentalization
and the bureaucratic specialization to wich it gives rise are at the
root of this absence of feelings for responsiblity one finds in those
who carreid out the 'final solution' . . ." Todorov, Tzvetan, Facing
the Extreme: Moral Life in the Concentration Camps. London: Phoenix
Books, 2000, p. 153
53. Langbein, Hermann,
Hommes et femmes รก Auschwitz.
Paris: Fayard, 1975, p.488. Cited in Todorov, Tzvetan, Facing the
Extreme: Moral Life in the Concentration Camps. London: Phoenix
Books, 2000, p. 263
54. ". . .for most Nazi doctors, the doubling
manoeuvre seemed to fend off that sense of guilt prior to its
developing, or to its reaching conscious dimensions." Lifton, Robert
Jay, The Nazi Doctors: Medical Killing and the
Psychology of Genocide. New York, Basic Books, 1986, p. 421
55. Todorov, Tzvetan,
Facing the Extreme: Moral Life in the Concentration Camps. London:
Phoenix Books, 2000, p. 129
56. This explanation is consistent with the phenomenon of moral injury
that some researchers believe they have identified among soldiers. It is
distinct from Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) suffered by some
soldiers who have been in combat. Whereas PTSD is the result of harm or
life-threatening conditions inflicted by others, a soldier suffers moral
injury as a result of his own acts.
Moral injury requires an act of transgression that
severely and abruptly contradicts an individual's personal or shared
expectation about the rules or code of conduct, either during the event or
at some point afterwards.
Moral injury is described as a form of long-lasting "personally
devastating and disorienting" impairment that presents as "severe peri- or
post-event emotional distress (e.g., shame and guilt)." There is little
research on the subject, so the concept must be handled with caution.
However, it has support among health and religious professionals who have
extensive experience working with soldiers and veterans, and the U.S.
Department of Veterans Affairs takes it seriously.
●Litz BT, Stein N, Delaney E, Lebowitz L, Nash WP,
Silva C, Maguen S, "Moral injury and moral repair in war veterans: A
preliminary model and intervention strategy." Clinical Psychology Review
29 (2009) p.698, 699-700, 702, 705
●Drescher, K., Foy, D., Kelly, C., Leshner, A.,
Schutz, A., & Litz, B.T. (2011). "An exploration of the viability and
usefulness of the construct of moral injury in war veterans."
Traumatology, 17, 8-13.
●Maguen S, Litz B,
Moral Injury at War. United States Department of Veterans
Affairs, National Center for PTSD: Professional Section (Accessed
2012-03-06)
57. Note, however, that authorities usually
fail to distinguish between the perfective and preservative modes of
freedom of conscience.
58. Aristotle,
Politics, III.9.9-14. Jacques Maritain states, "Justice is a primary
condition for the existence of the body politic, but Friendship is its
very life-giving form." Maritain, Jacques, Man and the State.
Chicago: Phoenix Books, 1951, p. 10. Dr. Leah Bradshaw developed this
theme in "How Friendhsip Renews Citizenship." Centre for Cultural
Renweal, Centrepoints, Fall, 2009.