Submission to the All-Party Oireachtais Committee on the Constitution
(Ireland)
19 June, 2000
Full Text
The Project is a non-denominational, non-profit
initiative supported by a project team and advisory
board. The Project
- advocates for protection of conscience
legislation;
- promotes clarification and
understanding of the issues involved to
assist in reasoned public discussion;
- acts as a clearing house for reports
from people who have been discriminated
against for reasons of conscience, directing
them to legal assistance and other support
when possible.
The advisory board consists of seven people with
advanced degrees in law, medicine, political
science, philosophy and theology; it includes
directors of bioethics institutes in Australia and
the Netherlands. The advisors reflect the
non-denominational character of the Project. (See
Appendix)
Our website ( www.consciencelaws.org) serves as
an electronic journal and archive. It includes the
text of existing and proposed legislation and
policies, and news, articles, essays and background
information relating to rights of conscience.
The Project does not direct or manage protection
of conscience initiatives. Instead, for the benefit
of people working for or in need of protection of
conscience, it provides information, offers
suggestions, encourages co-operation and facilitates
communication.
Accordingly, this submission will advance
principles and refer to experience that the
Committee may wish to consider within an Irish
context, but it will not suggest specific measures .
If there is or will be a need for protection of
conscience legislation in Ireland, that need will
have to be articulated by Irish citizens, and laws
and policies framed according to the circumstances
prevailing in Ireland.
Note that the Project does not address
substantive questions about the morality of
controversial procedures, except to the extent that
it is necessary to explain the position of
conscientious objectors.
Protection of conscience laws ensure that people
cannot be forced to participate in medical
procedures to which they object for reasons of
conscience. Such laws are needed because powerful
interests have been inclined to force health care
workers and others to participate, directly or
indirectly, in morally controversial procedures. In
the case of abortion, this has led to discrimination
against conscientious objectors, who have been
denied employment, dismissed or otherwise penalized
because they have declined to participate. Some
examples from the period 1977-2000:
(1)
A
registered nurse was refused employment at four
hospitals because she was unwilling to assist in
abortion. She finally agreed to do so, but was
forced to resign after refusing to assist at the
hysterotomy of a woman who was 5 1/2 months pregnant.
She eventually left the profession. (1977-1984,
British Columbia, Canada)
A social
assistance worker was fired because she refused
to approve payment for an abortion that would have
been illegal under the law as it then stood. (An
interview with the worker, whose parents are from
Ireland, appeared in a September, 1993 edition of The Irish Democrat). (1985,
British Columbia, Canada)
A
hospital aide was dismissed because she refused
to clean abortion instruments. (1986,
Indiana, USA)
Three counsellors at a home for battered women
were dismissed because they declined to refer women
for abortions, and denied three weeks of
unemployment insurance benefits because they had
lost their jobs through 'misconduct'. The firings
were defended by the provincial Minister of
Community and Social Services. (1988,
Ontario, Canada)
21 out
of 30 paediatric nurses resigned following the
amalgamation of hospitals, and ensuing management
demands that they participate in abortions. (1988,
Ontario, Canada)
Eight
nurses at a hospital refused to participate in
abortions following hospital restructuring. They
were told to leave their department (obstetrics) or
seek work elsewhere. Their professional association
sided with hospital management. The nurses spent
five years and thousands of dollars to secure an
agreement that acknowledged their freedom of
conscience. One nurse had died and others developed
stress-related illnesses by the time the case was
settled. (1993-1999,
Ontario, Canada)
Nurses at a hospital
were made to participate in "genetic
terminations" - the abortion of late term infants
diagnosed with serious disorders. Some of the
infants were born alive; one survived 12 hours,
during which time nurses took turns rocking it, but
were forbidden to feed it. A child who survived
similar treatment at Vancouver General Hospital
recently received a damage settlement from the
hospital- almost 13 years later.(Link)To
prevent such complications, the Alberta College
of Physicians and Surgeons recently authorized
doctors to inject potassium chloride into the heart
of a seriously malformed fetus to prevent its live
birth during
"genetic
termination".(2)
The measure does not alleviate the moral conflict
faced by conscientious objectors in such
circumstances. (1999-2000,
Alberta, Canada)
In a
bulletin to its members, a College of
Pharmacists stated: "The moral position of an
individual pharmacist, if it differs from the ethics
of the profession, cannot take precedence over that
of the profession as a whole." The College cautioned
them that future pharmacy services might expand to
include "preparation of drugs to assist voluntary or
involuntary (sic) suicide, cloning, genetic
manipulation, or even execution."
(British
Columbia, 2000) (3)
These cases concern abortion, and most of the
existing protection of conscience laws were drafted
with abortion in mind. However, this is largely an
accident of history, a result of the legalization
(by statute or judicial fiat) of what was understood
to be a contentious medical practice. It would be a
serious mistake to associate a need for protection
of laws only with abortion and (in countries with
large Catholic populations) artificial contraception
or contraceptive sterilisation.
Developing technology and a number of social
trends promise to generate more moral
controversy, not less. Disputes are already underway
about the ethics of various forms of artificial
reproduction, eugenics, genetic engineering,
embryonic experimentation, organ harvesting and
tissue trafficking. Lobbies for the legalisation of
assisted suicide and euthanasia have been successful
in some jurisdictions and continue to be persistent
in others, with serious consequences for those who
are expected to deliver these services.
The evidence received by the Committee from Dr.
Declan Keane, Master of the National Maternity
Hospital, Holles Street, included reference to the
extent of opposition to abortion in the Irish
medical profession:
. . .the people who would be
asked to carry out the terminations of pregnancy are
the gynaecologists in this country, and as I've
mentioned already, you know, for religious, moral
and ethical reasons most of my colleagues would be
extremely unhappy to be asked to do so. In fact
most, I am sure, would not do it. . . I would think
the vast majority of my gynaecology colleagues would
be conscientious objectors to taking any part in
that.(Link)
Given the prevalence of this view, is it likely
that abortion could become so common in Ireland that
conscientious objectors would suffer the kind of
discrimination illustrated by the cited cases? It
hardly seems so. Yet, contrast the cited cases (all
but one of which are Canadian) with the following
statement from a Canadian physician:
...I was a Public Health
officer in [British Columbia] from 1961 to 1966. In
1962, I believe it would be, Dr. _________, who was
Director of V.D. control, proposed giving birth
control pills to [city] prostitutes to prevent them
giving birth to congenital syphilitic babies. This
was before birth control pills were legal in Canada.
There were about twenty
medical officers there, and I spoke out against the
proposal, saying that if it was adopted the next
step would be to abort any pregnancies that
occurred. I was laughed to scorn! [It was said that]
No Canadian doctors would ever do
abortions.(4)
No one present at that meeting - including the
speaker - would have believed that a provincial
College of Physicians and Surgeons would one day
approve the lethal injection of infants in utero
as a standard procedure in 'genetic terminations'.
Nor was it predicted, when the sale of
contraceptives was decriminalized in Canada, that
pharmacists who declined to dispense contraceptives
and abortifacient drugs would eventually be attacked
in newspaper editorials.(5)
An additional factor for the Committee to
consider is extra-territorial pressure that may be
brought to bear through international agreements
like the Convention for the Elimination of All Forms
of Discrimination Against Women. The Committee
overseeing the implementation of that Convention has
stated that refusal to provide abortion for reasons
of conscience is "an infringement of women's
reproductive rights".(Link)
IV. Factors Contributing to Intolerance
Four factors appear to contribute to the
increasing intolerance of conscientious objection
among health care workers. To the extent that they
are operative in Ireland, they warrant the attention
of the Committee.
The most important of these is what author Lois
Sweet calls
'secular fundamentalism'. Secular
fundamentalists hold that it is wrong to allow law
or public policy to be influenced by religious
belief, or by morality derived from religious
belief. Typically, they assert that only scientific
(meaning empirical) knowledge is factual, and that
human society is best served if its laws are based
upon neutral facts rather than subjective belief -
especially religious belief.(6)
Yet they are believers; they cannot be otherwise.
They believe that human dignity exists, that all men
are equal, that human life is worthy of respect,
that killing is justified when . . ., etc. These are
first principles that must be accepted on faith, not
facts established by scientific study. Even if they
explicitly profess atheism and agnosticism, secular
fundamentalists have faith. That God does not exist,
or has nothing to do with man's daily life, or
cannot be known, are properly religious or
theological propositions maintained by faith, not by
empirical evidence.
Nonetheless, secular fundamentalists persist in
the belief that they do not believe - that they know. More important, they believe (for they
cannot know) that theirs is that special kind of
knowledge required for the just ordering of society,
and that only people who share their understanding -
who believe what they believe - can be trusted to
manage public affairs. When this hidden faith
becomes dominant among governing elites, they not
only dismiss critiques of law or public policy that
are informed by religious convictions, but tolerate
religiously motivated acts only to the extent that
they are consistent with what social critic Iain
Benson has described as "the hidden faith of this
new secularity".
(7)
The hidden faith of governing elites in modern
society is as great a threat to freedom of
conscience and religion as was the manifest faith of
governing elites in days gone by. Fire, dungeon and
sword are out of fashion, but in these more
comfortable times, compliance can often be secured
by threatening economic and social penalties, or by
professional excommunication imposed by licensing
authorities.
Note that many of these authorities adhere to
bioethics
principlism, a theory that attempts to apply
four 'principles of biomedical ethics':
non-maleficence, beneficence, justice and autonomy.
These first principles - statements of faith - are
expressed in the Four Commandments: do no harm, do
good, be fair, and respect patient choices. Problems
arise, however, because the application of the Four
Commandments is impossible without defining what is
meant by harm, by good, and by fairness. Is causing
the death of the patient "doing good"? Is prolonging
life "doing no harm"? Answers to such questions
depend primarily upon one's understanding of the
nature of the human person, the nature of human
relationships and concepts of right and wrong. When
the hidden faith of the secular fundamentalist
yields answers that differ substantially from the
faith-based answers of a religious believer, the
conflict is likely to end up in court.
Here one meets again the notion of
personal autonomy,
derived in many cases from bioethics
principlism.(8)
Autonomy is held to be among the defining
characteristics of the human person, essential for
human happiness, and inseparable from personal
dignity. The achievement of personal autonomy is
therefore the most important goal of personal
development, and the enhancement of personal
autonomy one of the most important functions of law,
medicine and education. Taken to its logical
conclusion, this can transform the traditional
obligation to meet the needs of a patient into an
obligation to fulfil the patient's wishes.
The following extract from the Ontario College of
Nurses ethical guidelines illustrates this
transformation; note the consequences for
conscientious objectors.
...When a client's wish
conflicts with a nurse's personal values, and the
nurse believes that she or he cannot provide care,
the nurse needs to arrange for another caregiver and
withdraw from the situation. If no other caregiver
can be arranged, the nurse must provide the
immediate care required. If no other solution can be
found, the nurse may have to leave a particular
place of employment in order to adhere to her or his
moral values.(Link)
One gains personal autonomy by gaining personal
power - the ability to get what one wants or to do
what one wants. The watchword is empowerment,
and all social interactions are interpreted as
products of power-based relationships. Conflicts
that are actually conflicts of faith - hidden or
explicit - are often recast as disputes about power,
to be resolved by applying notions of equality to
achieve a balance of power.(9)
Personal autonomy is not violated so long as
parties to social interaction consent to what is
done. It is violated only when something is done
without consent, or when consent is improperly
obtained. On the other hand, consent will suffice to
justify any action which might otherwise be held to
violate personal autonomy. In law and in bioethics,
the axiom of the autonomous person and the corollary
of justification by consent are used to support
mercy killing and assisted suicide.
(10)
Logically, they can be extended to support any other
morally controversial procedure.
Socialized medicine has been and continues to be
a great benefit to many people, but little attention
has been paid to the
dynamic of
expectation that arises following legalisation
of a controversial procedure, especially when the
state assumes primary responsibility for the
delivery of health care. In the first place, there
is an assumption that citizens are entitled to
demand from health care providers what they have
paid for through taxes. The assumption becomes an
expectation when health care providers are perceived
to be state employees because private health care
has been prohibited or rendered impracticable.
Moreover, as the guarantor of a de facto
social contract for health care, the state is
expected to enforce the terms of the contract
against reluctant employees and other health care
providers.
Supporting the drive for personal autonomy is an
understanding of freedom primarily as 'freedom from': freedom from restraint, from rules, from
direction, from guidance, from immutable principles.
People are encouraged to determine the course of
their lives and assert who they are by breaking away
from moral imperatives and institutions that are
perceived to impose constraints or limit freedom of
choice. This is not the freedom sought by this
submission.
What is sought is 'freedom for': for
discerning the good that needs to be done, for
choosing the good, for doing good. Such freedom is
onerous, for it implies an obligation to distinguish
true goods from false, higher goods from lesser. It
demands that one form convictions about what is
truly good, and live accordingly.
Certainly, this can generate conflict among
people pursuing different notions of 'the good', but
the remedy for this is not to have governing elites
or a governing majority impose a hidden faith that
'the good' does not exist, or that it cannot be
identified, or, perhaps, that 'the good' consists of
the pursuit of power in order to maximize personal
autonomy.
Instead, we are called to develop the charity,
the patience, and the skills necessary to live
together peacefully. Above all, we must learn to
talk to each other about faith -all faith -
hidden, explicit, religious, and non-religious.
Once we realize that everyone
necessarily operates out of some kind of faith
assumptions, we stop excluding analysis of faith
from public life. We cannot simply banish
"religious" faiths from our common conversations
about how we ought to order our lives together while
leaving unexamined all those "implict" faiths in
such areas as public education, medicine, law or
politics. . .
So let us banish this notion
of a "faith-free" secular once and for all. Everyone
"believes". The question is, what do we believe in
and for what reasons?(11)
This is the kind of dialogue encouraged by the
Project. Protection of conscience laws provide an
opportunity for it to develop.
Laws should be
drafted in such a way that they are not easily
made obsolete by technological progress. An adequate
law should protect conscientious objectors from
coercive hiring or employment practices,
discrimination, and other forms of punishment or
pressure. It should also include protection from
civil liability, clear enforcement mechanisms and
penalties for violators.
It is prudent to consider special protection for
those who are especially vulnerable to
discriminatory or coercive practices, such as
students, or applicants for employment or
professional status or privileges. However,
draftsmen should ensure that protection is extended
to as many people or classes of people as possible.
It is important to recognize that a compromise
that involves mandatory
referral is unacceptable to many conscientious
objectors because they believe that referral is a
culpable form of participation in the objectionable
act.
Experience suggests
that protection of conscience legislation is best
enacted before or at the time of the legalization of
any morally controversial medical procedure. Once a
procedure has been legalized, the dynamic of
expectation and a process of desensitization make it
more difficult to enact protective laws.
Though the Project website includes a Model
Statute and the text of several legislative
proposals, as well as existing protection of
conscience statutes from different jurisdictions, it
does not advocate a specific form of law.
Appendix
Project Advisory Board (2000)
Janet Ajzenstat, B.A., M.A., Ph.d
J. Budziszewski, Ph.D
Dr. Shahid Athar, M.D., F.A.C.E.
John Fleming, BA, ThL (Hons), PhD
Henk Jochemsen, PhD.
David Novak, AB, MHL, PhD
Lynn D. Wardle, J.D.
1. In
reviewing the Canadian cases, note that abortion
was regulated by therapeutic abortion committees in
the period between 1977 and 1988; since that time it
has been unrestricted.
2. Walker,
Robert "MDs face Internet restrictions: Prescription
ban Canadian first". The Calgary Herald 10
June, 2000
3.
College of Pharmacists of British
Columbia Bulletin of Pharmacists of British
Columbia Bulletin, March/April 2000, Vol. 25,
No. 2: "Ethics in Practice: Moral Conflicts in
Pharmacy Practice".
The Registrar of the College later explained that
the term "involuntary suicide" was a mistake; the
term intended was "involuntary euthanasia".
Letter dated 9 May, 2000, from the Registrar of the
College of Pharmacists of British Columbia to the
Project Administrator.
4. Letter
to the Project Administrator dated 2 July, 1995
5.
"It's the 21st century, right? Not if the
Manitoba Pharmaceutical Association has its way.
Bowing to pressure from the Concerned Pharmacists
for Conscience, it wants to drag us back into the
19th, 18th or maybe the 17th century. How else to
interpret its announcement that it has adopted a
policy which allows pharmacists to refuse to
dispense certain drugs for reasons of conscience?"
"Pharmacological farce", Winnipeg Sun, 6
June, 2000
6.
For the insights into 'secular fundamentalism'
the author is indebted to Iain Benson, B.A. (Hons.),
M.A. (Cantab.), LL.B, Director of the
Centre for
Cultural Renewal (Formerly the Centre for
Renewal in Public Policy). His analysis of the
subject has just appeared in a special issue of the
University of British Columbia Law Review. He
has written a popular summary of the main points in
the Law Review article in "There
are no Secular Unbelievers", which appeared in
Centre Points:Vol. 4, No. 1, Spring, 2000,
the newsletter of the Centre for Cultural Renewal.
7.
Benson, Iain T., "Notes Towards a (Re)
Definition of the "Secular" (2000) 33 U.B.C. Law
Rev. 519 -549, Special Issue: "Religion, Morality,
and Law", p. 521
8.
Irving, Dianne N.,
Which Medical Ethics for the 21st.
Century? Address to the John Carroll
Society, Washington, D.C., May 14, 1999.
9. Benson,
Iain T., supra, p. 543
10.
Re: Rodriguez and Attorney-General of
British Columbia et al; British Columbia Coalition
of People with Disabilities et al, Intervenors
and Attorney-General of British Columbia et al;
British Columbia Coalition of People with
Disabilities et al, Intervenors, 107 D.L.R.
(4th) 342- Supreme Court of Canada
Chief Justice Lamer (dissenting): "...the common
law recognized the fundamental importance of
individual autonomy and self-determination in our
legal system...it is now established that patients
may compel their physicians not to provide them with
life-sustaining treatment...and patients undergoing
life support treatment may compel their physicians
to discontinue such treatment...The rationale
underlying these decisions is the promotion of
individual autonomy..." (dissenting): "...the common
law recognized the fundamental importance of
individual autonomy and self-determination in our
legal system...it is now established that patients
may compel their physicians not to provide them with
life-sustaining treatment...and patients undergoing
life support treatment may compel their physicians
to discontinue such treatment...The rationale
underlying these decisions is the promotion of
individual autonomy..."
Justice McLachlin (dissenting): "I see this...as
a case about the manner in which the state may limit
the right of a person to make decisions about her
body...It is part of the persona and dignity of the
human being that he or she have the autonomy to
decide what is best for his or her body...the law
draws a distinction between suicide and assisted
suicide...The effect of this distinction is to
prevent people like Sue Rodriguez from exercising
the autonomy over their bodies available to other
people." (dissenting): "I see this...as a case about
the manner in which the state may limit the right of
a person to make decisions about her body...It is
part of the persona and dignity of the human being
that he or she have the autonomy to decide what is
best for his or her body...the law draws a
distinction between suicide and assisted
suicide...The effect of this distinction is to
prevent people like Sue Rodriguez from exercising
the autonomy over their bodies available to other
people."
11.
Benson, Iain T.,
"There are No Secular 'Unbelievers'".
Centre
Points, Vol. 4, No. 1, Centre for Cultural
Renewal, Ottawa: Spring, 2000, p. 3
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