Symposium: Conscience, conditions, and access to
civil society
SCOTUSblog
15 September, 2017
Reproduced with permission
Richard Garnett*
Can he be required, though – should
he be required, is it necessary for him to be required – to
say something he thinks is not true, to disavow what he
believes or to act expressively in violation of his
conscience?
It is striking how easy it has become for a person to
stumble into the status of a symbol – or, these days, a
viral meme. Jack Phillips is, or was until fairly recently,
a skilled cake artist with a small business, Masterpiece
Cakeshop, in suburban Denver. Today, he is a litigant in the
Supreme Court of the United States and regarded by many as
embodying the tension – increasingly, the conflict – between
religious conscience and equality.
Phillips regards himself, justifiably, as an artist. He
is resolved to living out his vocation as an artist in a way
that reflects and respects his Christian commitments. In
keeping with his understanding of those commitments, he
declined to accept a commission to create a custom wedding
cake for two men, Charlie Craig and David Mullins, who were
planning a celebration of their wedding.
Phillips regularly provides his goods and services
without regard to customers' sexual orientation and he was
willing to sell Craig and Mullins a wide variety of other
baked goods. Nevertheless, the Colorado Civil Rights
Commission determined that he had discriminated based on
sexual orientation in a place of public accommodation in
violation of that state's Anti-Discrimination Act. He was
ordered to "cease and desist" such discrimination, to take
various "remedial measures," including retraining his staff,
and to file "compliance reports" documenting all service
denials and the reasons for them. As a result, and – as he
sees it – rather than dis-integrate his creativity and his
conscience, he stopped designing custom cakes and lost a
substantial share of his business. The question before the
justices is whether the commission's order violates the
First Amendment.
Masterpiece Cakeshop, Ltd. v. Colorado Civil Rights
Commission is an unusual case, but the conflict
between the enterprises of promoting equality through
anti-discrimination laws and respecting religious conscience
by limiting the reach of such laws is real. It is also
unavoidable and ineradicable, because of here-to-stay
disagreements among people of good will about the meanings
of equality, dignity and freedom and about the appropriate
aims and reach of governments' power.
Some try to deny or dissolve this conflict by prescribing
a stingy understanding of religious liberty. Obviously, if
it is decreed that "religious liberty" can never include a
right to discriminate, then the conflict between religious
liberty and anti-discrimination laws disappears. It is
clear, though, that meaningful freedom of religion does
include, sometimes, a right to decide or distinguish in ways
that might otherwise violate such laws. The Supreme Court
reaffirmed as much, a few years ago, in its (unanimous)
ruling in
Hosanna-Tabor Evangelical Lutheran Church and School v.
Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. Churches
get to select their ministers and determine their
memberships even if they draw lines in doing so. The issue,
then, is not whether, but when and why, discrimination is
sometimes protected religious exercise – or, as Phillips
argues, artistic freedom.
Masterpiece Cakeshop presents the
justices with a number of interesting First Amendment
questions having to do with expressive actions, compelled
speech, general applicability and religious neutrality, the
relationship between status and conduct, and the purposes of
public-accommodations laws. Even the Supreme Court's
quarter-century-old-but-still-awkward "hybrid rights"
exception to the Smith free-exercise rule makes an
appearance.
Along with a large group of legal scholars, I signed an
amicus brief arguing that requiring Phillips "to use his
artistic talents in a manner violative of his sincere
religious convictions offends the vital constitutional
commitment to freedom of expression." This position finds
strong support in one of the Supreme Court's most famous
First Amendment cases,
West
Virginia State Board of Education v. Barnette, in
which Justice Robert Jackson wrote that "[i]f there is any
fixed star in our constitutional constellation, it is that
no official, high or petty, can prescribe what shall be
orthodox in politics, nationalism, religion, or other
matters of opinion or force citizens to confess by word or
act their faith therein."
Step back, though, just for a moment, from the Supreme
Court's First Amendment precedents and doctrines. There
could be an additional way to frame the case and the
questions it presents. Start with this: One of the (several)
purposes of public-accommodations laws is to ensure
efficient and equal access to housing, employment,
education, opportunities – to citizenship and civil society.
These laws limit the rights of property, contract, action
and association to make sure that some people's exercise of
these rights does not prevent others from living and
thriving in that middle space – the "public square" –
between the purely private and public spheres. The scope and
reach of public-accommodations laws are reasonably
contested, but most people agree that access to commerce and
employment should not be denied or complicated for invidious
reasons or because of irrelevant considerations. No one's
admission to civil society should be conditioned on being or
becoming someone else.
That said, benefits, opportunities, access and permission
regularly come with conditions attached. They are parts and
terms of the deal, the contract, the job. Student-loan
funds, government research grants, occupational and
professional licenses, public-works contracts, tax-exempt
status, school accreditation, and on and on all (for better
or worse) come trailing strings, regulations, requirements
and constraints.
This is not surprising. Still, the power to condition
access, or charge for admission, can – like all powers – be
abused. The "rules of the road" should not be inefficient,
irrational, irrelevant or unfair. It is fine to require
passing a driving test as a condition for a driver's
license; it would be strange, though, to require passing a
swimming test; and it would be wrong to require an oath of
loyalty to the Bureau of Motor Vehicles clerk's political
party. It is fine to impose reporting requirements and
privacy-protecting rules on hospitals receiving Medicare
funds, but it is unnecessary and unjust to require those
hospitals to provide elective abortions.
So, what about Jack Phillips and his Masterpiece
Cakeshop? It is unremarkably and uncontroversially "part of
the deal" that if he wants to be in the business of cake
creation, he can be expected, and required, to pay employees
at least a particular wage, to submit his facility and
equipment to regular health-and-safety inspections, and to
keep records for tax purposes. What's more, almost everyone
agrees that part of the price of admission to his vocation
in the marketplace is that he not invidiously or
irrationally discriminate in ways that deny or complicate
others' access. Can he be required, though – should he be
required, is it necessary for him to be required – to say
something he thinks is not true, to disavow what he believes
or to act expressively in violation of his conscience?
Some say that requiring Phillips to participate
creatively, but unwillingly, in the celebration of a legal
marriage is no different than requiring someone who has
accepted employment as a firefighter to fight fires. He can,
after all, leave the wedding-cake business. But to condition
the lawful exercise of his chosen profession on the waiver
not only of unfettered freedom of contract but also of the
First Amendment right to express – or not – his religiously
informed views seems to ask too much. Such a demand crosses
over from ensuring access to imposing orthodoxy, from
enriching civil society to homogenizing it.
The commission's defenders argue that Colorado's
condition is necessary to prevent dignitary harms to those
whose wedding Phillips refuses to celebrate and to condemn,
in the community's voice, what they regard as his unsound,
even offensive, views. It is not clear, though, that our
governments have a strong interest in protecting people from
the indignity of being offended by disagreement or wounded
by disrespect. What's more, Phillips' dignity is also at
stake, because the official actions against him in effect
label as public heresy his conscientious dissent. It is not
necessary, in order to accomplish the primary purposes of
public-accommodations laws, to condition Phillips' practice
of his craft on an affirmation he cannot in good conscience
make and on checking his First Amendment rights at the door
of civil society.
Richard W. Garnett is the Paul J. Schierl / Fort
Howard Corporation Professor of Law at the University of
Notre Dame. He joined an
amicus brief with 33 other legal scholars in support
of the cakeshop in
Masterpiece Cakeshop, Ltd. v. Colorado Civil Rights
Commission.