A national battle over healthcare ethics threatens to put any
conscience-guided Doctor in the Lions' Den
Today's Christian Doctor
Fall, 2001
Reproduced with permission
According to Peter
Hildering, M.D., a family physician and leader of
the Dutch Physicians Guild, Dutch Christian
physicians and medical students find themselves in
the "lions' den" of medical ethics challenges.
Hildering says that his organization is receiving
reports of discrimination against Christian
physicians who buck a healthcare system that
aggressively advances abortion and euthanasia.
Christopher Spayder's pulse quickened as he
paused outside the examining room door. He grimaced
as he glanced over the chart of his next patient-a
sexually active, 16-year-old named Molly Ivans.
Molly had called the office requesting
contraception-something he personally opposed
prescribing for her, based upon his religious
convictions.
Dr. Spayder knew that, thanks to a new city law,
following the dictates of his conscience could very
well put his career in jeopardy. Ever since abortion
rights advocates had pushed the Equality in
Reproductive Healthcare Access Act through the City
Council, Dr. Spayder had feared this moment. The Act
mandated that all insurers offering prescription
drug plans also had to cover prescribed
contraceptives-including potentially abortifacient
"emergency contraception."
After the bill passed, insurers had followed suit
by issuing a memorandum requiring all participating
healthcare providers to accommodate patients seeking
contraception, regardless of the provider's personal
ethical or religious objections.
A last-minute amendment to the bill, designed to
defuse the protests of Catholic and evangelical
opponents, had exempted only religious institutions
whose "primary purpose" is to "inculcate religious
beliefs." Of course, the cynically crafted amendment
had only provided lip service to religious liberty
while denying any real conscientious protections for
the several Catholic, Baptist and Seventh Day
Adventist hospitals in the city-or for individual
healthcare professionals.
As he gingerly turned the knob on the exam room
door, Dr. Spayder prayed that God might give him the
wisdom and grace afforded to young Daniel of the
Bible. Faced with disobeying the king's orders to
eat food prohibited under God's law, Daniel had
wisely proposed a test that had gotten him off the
hook without violating his conscience. Then Dr.
Spayder remembered another test of Daniel's
conscience that landed him in the bottom of a pit
looking up into the faces of hungry lions....
"Take no prisoners" approach
Dr. Spayder's*
dilemma illustrates a coming crisis of conscience
for Christian physicians and other healthcare
professionals. While contraception mandates form the
first line of attack in the battle, other ethical
issues including abortion, physician-assisted
suicide and virtually any faith-based healthcare
conviction lie not far behind. The battle pits two
autonomies against each other-the autonomy of the
patient demanding products and services versus the
autonomy of the healthcare professional following
the dictates of his or her conscience.
The militant abortion rights groups behind this
movement have long asserted that a woman's rights
and needs far exceed those of her developing baby.
Extending this logic, they are portraying religious
and ethical objectors as an illegitimate impedance
to what they view as a superior claim to women's
reproductive rights. In other words, no baby, no
physician, no hospital, no government dare stand in
the way of a woman who wants subsidized birth
control or abortion-on-demand.
Some of these activists employ a "take no
prisoners" approach, showing little respect for
religious faith or conscientious objection.
Protestors outside a prolife event honoring a
Catholic priest recently waved signs asserting, "If
Priests Got Pregnant, Abortion Would Be a Sacrament"
while chanting, "He, he, ho, ho! The right to life
has got to go."
The Religious Coalition for Reproductive Choice
(formerly the Religious Coalition for Abortion
Rights) insists that "[religious] institutions...be
held to their responsibility to serve the public
rather than restricting services to conform with
their own religious beliefs." The Coalition
"oppose(s) religious exemptions for public
institutions as a violation of both the separation
of church and state and the right of individual
conscience." This position, however, advocates
violating the individual consciences of healthcare
providers, while breaking down the Church's
constitutional protections of religious liberty.
One activist, Lois Uttley, director of the
MergerWatch project for the Family Planning
Advocates of New York State, grouses that "nearly
one in five beds is controlled by religious entities
which can ban services such as contraception or
sterilization that they find immoral." Uttley
asserts, "Women are outraged that their health care
can be influenced by religion."
A concerted national effort by abortion forces
threatens to undermine conscience provisions for all
healthcare providers. The National Abortion Rights
Action League now offers "A Step-by-Step Guide to
Expanding Health Insurance Coverage for
Contraceptives." The kit is "designed to help
organizers and activists develop campaigns to
achieve social and political change...through a
grassroots organizing campaign to eradicate the
gender gap in insurance coverage for prescription
contraceptives." No exceptions are made for those
who, for reason of conscience, cannot ethically
participate in contraception.
This "mandate movement" extends well beyond
contraception to a host of healthcare ethical
issues. A report by Uttley's MergerWatch Project
highlighted "mounting concerns about religious
health care institutions that refuse to provide
reproductive health care and end-of-life services
based on religious doctrine. Catholic religious and
ethical directives, for example, prohibit abortion
as well as referral for abortion, sterilization and
contraception and emergency contraception to
patients, regardless of the patients' preference or
religious beliefs. End-of-life services include
permitting patients to choose to end artificial
nutrition and hydration."
A lesson from healthcare professionals in other
countries can prove instructive for American doctors
wondering what the future might hold regarding
conscientious objection. In the Netherlands, for
example, where "end of life services" spells
euthanasia, physicians who abstain from the practice
for the sake of conscience can pay a high price.
According to Peter Hildering, M.D., a family
physician and leader of the Dutch Physicians Guild,
Dutch Christian physicians and medical students find
themselves in the "lions' den" of medical ethics
challenges. Hildering says that his organization is
receiving reports of discrimination against
Christian physicians who buck a healthcare system
that aggressively advances abortion and euthanasia.
"The position of doctors who don't want to
perform euthanasia in Holland has become difficult,"
Dr. Hildering notes. "We surveyed our members to see
if they met problems [of discrimination]. We heard
both from nursing home physicians and GPs that there
were problems in finding a place in which to
practice. Students who want to specialize get
questions about whether or not they want to work
with euthanasia. And if not, in some places they are
not welcome. It's the same thing with gynecology and
abortion."
Dr. Hildering illustrates the problem with
examples. "A general practitioner I know of says he
doesn't want to work with doctors who don't perform
euthanasia. He worries that the patients of the
[conscientious objector] doctor will all come to him
for euthanasia-and he's not happy with that. One of
the groups in a rural area had a visit by the
inspector for health because one of the doctors
wouldn't perform euthanasia in that group. And he
put it to that group of doctors that they had to
look for a way for their patients to get euthanasia
because he felt it was a normal medical practice to
offer."
Dr. Hildering points to an ironic fact that keeps
the lions at bay for now. "What helps protect us is
that there's a shortage of doctors in Holland-that's
the only reason. If the shortage is met, then I
think the problems will occur very rapidly."
"Mandate" movement is gaining ground
The movement to mandate the provision of
reproductive products and procedures is gaining
ground, thanks to friends in high places. An
explosive and precedent-setting decision in December
2000 by the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission
(EEOC) helped fuel the drive for laws mandating
contraception and abortion coverage. The federal
commission's ruling against a health insurer who did
not provide contraception coverage found "reasonable
cause to believe that discrimination occurred under
Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, as
amended, in two charges challenging the exclusion of
prescription contraceptives from a health insurance
plan." The EEOC warned healthcare insurers and
providers to get in line with the federal agency's
views, or face the consequences.
"Where a woman visits her doctor to obtain a
prescription for contraceptives," the EEOC wrote,
"she must be afforded the same coverage that would
apply if she, or any other employee, had consulted a
doctor for other preventive or health maintenance
services." Since EEOC members viewed pregnancy as a
virtual disease, disease-preventing coverage
(contraception) seemed a rational requirement.
Abortion advocates like NARAL President Kate
Michelman hailed the EEOC's action. "Contraception,"
argues Michelman, "is basic health care for women
and is essential to preventing unintended pregnancy.
Unfortunately, many insurance companies exclude
contraception from the list of prescription
medications they cover, unfairly forcing women to
cover the cost of contraception themselves. The EEOC
ruling exposes this inequity for what it is: blatant
sex discrimination."
On June 12, 2001, U.S. District Judge Robert S.
Lasnik sounded the trumpet in the charge against
conscience in a widely watched lawsuit against
Bartell Drug Company. In the first federal challenge
to employers who do not cover birth control, Judge
Lasnik ruled that Bartell must include
contraceptives for women in its employee health
insurance plan. A pharmacist had contended that
Bartell's policy violated the federal Pregnancy
Discrimination Act.
"Although the plan covers almost all drugs and
devices used by men," Lasnik wrote, "the exclusion
of prescription contraceptives creates a gaping hole
in the coverage offered to female employees, leaving
a fundamental and immediate health care need
uncovered."
Citing the EEOC decision and federal court
decision, Washington Post columnist Judy Mann
writes, "Together, these findings should put the
matter to rest once and for all by forcing Congress
to require all insurers to include contraception in
their drug coverage. As a practical matter, the
ruling tells employers that they had better shape up
on their insurance coverage or face legal action
under the Civil Rights Act." Abortion rights
activists are spinning the issue as one of equal
rights, decrying the injustice of providing coverage
for Viagra for men but not contraception for women.
Ironically, the word "choice" in the abortion mantra
has been apparently replaced by the word "coercion."
CMA works to protect healthcare right of conscience
While the mandate movement marches on, prolife
advocates and Christian healthcare professionals are
rallying to respond. The Christian Medical
Association has joined the Christian Legal Society
and other national organizations based in
Washington, D.C., in a working group on the
healthcare right of conscience. The group has been
developing strategies and legislation behind the
scenes, although the controversy has already erupted
into debates in national media.
The mission of the
Health Care Right of Conscience (HCRC) working group
is "to develop public policy, through state and
federal legislation, as well as executive and
judicial decisions, supporting the civil right of
all health care providers, including the health
insured and the health insurer, to refuse to
counsel, advise, pay for, provide, perform, assist
or participate, either directly or indirectly, with
such health care services that violate such
providers' religious or moral conscience, and to
prohibit all forms of discrimination, coercion,
disability or liability upon such providers by
reason of such exercise of conscience."
CMA Ethics Commission chairman Robert Scheidt,
M.D., put the conscience issue in perspective.
"First of all," he said, "the right of conscience is
a human right-not just a doctor right or patient
right. It applies to all persons equally, and to
deny it is to deny a fundamental aspect of our
humanity. How can any scientific discipline survive
the moral diminishing of its practitioners? Would
not the violation of conscience, made necessary or
put into practice in one area, lead to tacit
permission to do the same in other areas?"
Scheidt continued, "Secondly, to cause another
person to violate his conscience is also an act of
diminishing that person as human. To put people into
positions of costly moral choice, I suppose, is to
experience the human dilemma. But to do it
deliberately, or not to avoid it if possible, is
wrong."
Both education and legislation can help protect
the inalienable right of all healthcare
professionals, providers and participants to follow
their conscience. Americans of all persuasions must
treasure and protect our foundation of freedom in
the pursuit of one's own religious and ethical
convictions. Legislation may now be required to
protect the civil right of healthcare professionals,
providers, and participants to refuse to counsel,
advise, pay for, provide, perform, assist or
participate, either directly or indirectly, with
such services that violate such persons' religious
or moral convictions; and to prohibit all forms of
discrimination, disqualification, coercion,
disability or liability upon such persons by reason
of such refusal.
Note
*Doctor Spayder's
scenario is fictitious, but based upon political
realities. The District of Columbia City Council
actually passed a similar bill on July 11, 2000. The
D.C. mayor quietly pocket-vetoed the bill only after
the U.S. Congress threatened to intervene.