Draft Irish Abortion Law: Protection of Conscience
Testimony before the Joint Committee on Health and Children
Houses of the Oireachtas (Tithe an Oireachtais)
Introduction
In response to criticism following the death of
Savita Halappanavar the Irish government
has published an early draft of the proposed abortion law, the
Protection of Life During Pregnancy Bill 2013. It is
technically called a draft "heads of bill." Each "head"
corresponds to what is likely to become a section of the final bill, but
the wording and content of each head have not been settled.
For
three days in May, 2013, a committee composed of Oireachtas deputies and senators heard evidence
from a number of expert witnesses concerning the proposal. What
follows are extracts of their testimony broadly relevant to the
protection of conscience provision in the draft. Links to the
pages from which the extracts were taken are found below each entry.
Links to full transcripts of the hearings are provided in the column to
the right.
Based on the testimony of the witnesses, the committee will forward a
report to the Irish Minister of Health, who will then finalize the
actual wording of a proposed bill.
17 May, 2013
Redacted Agenda:
Redacted Witness List:
-
Deputy James Reilly:
Minister for Health
-
Dr. Tony Holohan:
Chief Medical Officer
Deputy James Reilly: Head 12 deals with conscientious objection. In this regard, professional
health personnel, namely, medical and nursing personnel, will not be obliged
to carry out or assist in carrying out lawful terminations of pregnancy if
they have a conscientious objection, unless the risk to the life of the
pregnant woman is immediate. Where a doctor or other health professional has
a difficulty in undertaking a required medical procedure, he or she will
have a duty to ensure another colleague takes over the care of the patient,
as is normal in current medical ethics. I should note that the right to
conscientious objection is a human right, which is limited to persons only
and cannot be invoked by institutions.
[P.
4, accessed 2013-05-27]
Deputy Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin: It
must have some structure. What is Dr. Holohan's understanding of the lead
practitioner in that regard and what is the situation regarding
conscientious objection which may present regarding one or other of the
psychiatrists, and particularly where the requirement is that one of the
psychiatrists would be attached to an institution where such a procedure is
carried out?
Deputy Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin: The requirement is that one of the
psychiatrists would be attached to an institution where the procedure is
carried out. What if the situation presented where that person, the only
person then available, was a conscientious objector? It is not beyond the
bounds of possibility.
[P.
6, accessed 2013-05-27]
Dr. Tony Holohan: Yes, there are some technical issues to which the
Minister alluded, that we will be looking at in the context of these
linkages between doctors and locations of practice. That is the first part
of the answer to that question. The other part is that doctors who raise a
conscientious objection are not free of obligation to the individual in that
situation. They must make appropriate arrangements to ensure there is an
appropriate onward referral. They cannot simply step away from the care of
that woman. The woman in that situation where the doctor has a legitimate
conscientious objection will not find herself in a situation where there is
nobody to care for her. That is the intent of this legislation but we will
be looking at some of those technicalities to which the Minister alluded.
[P.
6, accessed 2013-05-27]
Deputy Billy Timmins: With regard to the issue of conscientious objection, if, for example,
staff in a hospital in Ballinasloe or Tralee or wherever decide that they
will avail of this clause, where does that tie-in with the fact that the
hospital cannot avail of that facility? If all the staff oppose it, what is
the solution to meet the requirements of the legislation as proposed?
[P.
10, accessed 2013-05-27]
Dr. Tony Holohan:
Deputy Timmins asked in regard to the numbers under
the care of the HSE. We do not maintain numbers in regard to that point,
therefore, I am not in a position to answer that question. I think the
scenario Deputy Timmins painted regarding the conscientious objector is one
where all practitioners in a given setting might conscientiously object. I
guess that is a theoretical problem and I would see it as one. It is
unlikely to become a practical problem and in that situation there will
still be a duty on the provider, which would be the HSE or perhaps one of
the voluntary institutions, to make arrangements to ensure that the woman -
let us remind ourselves that this is a woman who is in a situation where
there is a real and substantial risk to her life - has access to an
appropriate service, even if that is not available at that particular
location, but I rather doubt that this situation will arise in clinical
practice.
[P.
11, accessed 2013-05-27]
Redacted Witness List
-
Professor Kieran Murphy:
Irish Medical Council [Written
Submission]
-
Professor Fionnuala McAuliffe:
Institute of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists [Written
Submission]
-
Dr. Méabh Ní Bhuinneáin:
Institute of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists
-
Dr. Margaret O'Riordan:
Irish College of General Practitioners [Written
Submission]
-
Dr. Matthew Sadlier:
President, Irish Medical Organisation [Written
Submission]
Professor Kieran Murphy: In regard to head 12, the Medical Council is of the opinion that subheads
8(1) and 8(4) are largely consistent with the Medical Council's 2009 "Guide
to Professional Conduct and Ethics for Registered Medical Practitioners",
which states:
10.1 As a doctor you must not allow your personal moral standards to
influence your treatment of patients.
10.2 If you have a conscientious objection to a course of action, you
should explain this to the patient and make the names of other doctors
available to them.
[P.
15, accessed 2013-05-27]
Professor Kieran Murphy: The Medical Council suggests head 12 be expanded to
ensure the holding of a conscientious objection does not absolve the
registered medical practitioner from his or her responsibility to a patient
in emergency circumstances. The view of the council is that the right to
conscientious objection must be balanced against the right of the patient,
particularly in the case of a medical emergency. The Medical Council's Guide
to Professional Conduct and Ethics for Registered Medical Practitioners
states: "10.3 Conscientious objection does not absolve you from
responsibility to a patient in emergency circumstances". The text of subhead
(1) should be amended to specifically include the term "conscientious
objection". It is not clear whether subhead (1) applies exclusively to the
carrying out of the procedure or whether it also applies to involvement by
certifying registered medical practitioners in the assessment of risk, the
certification process and the review process. Subhead (2), as drafted, is
unclear.
[P.
16, accessed 2013-05-27]
Professor Fionnuala McAuliffe: Head 4 concerns the risk of loss of
life from self-destruction. The Institute of Obstetricians and
Gynaecologists does not differentiate in terms of logistical arrangements
between physical or mental reasons for considering a termination. One
obstetrician would be required to examine the patient and sign the
documentation, and the support of a second obstetrical opinion would have to
be sought. We accept there is a need for two psychiatrists, however, as it
would be their expertise that the obstetricians would rely upon to determine
whether suicidal ideation is true intent and poses a real and substantive
risk to the life of the mother.
. . .Head 12 pertains to conscientious objection. We endorse the current
Medical Council Guidelines of 2009, 10.1 to 10.3, inclusive, regarding the
options and responsibilities for clinicians with a conscientious objection
to participating in certain clinical treatments.
[P.
17, accessed 2013-05-27]
Dr. Margaret O'Riordan: Current obstetric practice does not place a patient in the care of an
obstetrician until 16 to 20 weeks gestation.
[P.
17, accessed 2013-05-27]
Dr. Matthew Sadlier: . . . we have a number of general concerns regarding the
legislation: that the patient's health and welfare is of paramount
importance; the legislation must provide adequate clarity and protection to
health care professionals who must operate under it; the legislation must be
practical and realistic for application in a hospital and health care
environment; the legislation must be sufficiently resourced; where issues of
morals are concerned, such as in abortion, the laws must provide adequate
flexibility to ensure that an individual can abstain from engaging in an
activity which he or she may deem, in conscience, to be immoral without
jeopardising the right of the relevant patients to all the facilities and
treatments for which the law provides.
I will give a brief summary of our issues in respect of each head of the
Bill. In head 1, we believe the term "reasonable opinion" should be replaced
by the term "opinion" and the term "unborn" replaced by the more medical
term "foetus". In head 2, the opinion of two medical practitioners is
required to certify jointly that there is a real and substantial risk to the
life of the mother and where the risk can only be averted by the termination
of the pregnancy. Where a pregnant woman presents with a physical condition
that poses a real and substantial risk to her life, clear clinical
guidelines are required in order to identify, monitor and treat such
patients. While such cases are rare, public obstetric units must be
appropriately resourced to ensure that patients are adequately cared for
according to clinical guidelines and that no delay to life saving procedures
arises due to under-resourcing. A system should be in place to allow medical
practitioners to declare a conscientious objection and protocols must be in
place to deal with situations of conscientious objection as they arise.
Medical practitioners who have no conscientious objection must receive
appropriate training either during postgraduate training or as part of
compulsory CPD programmes organised and resourced by the State. The health
and welfare of the patient is paramount and therefore women must be provided
with appropriate follow-on care, both physical and psychological, following
any termination.
. . . Finally, head 12 deals with conscientious objection. Recent debate
at the IMO's annual general meeting shows that there are a number of
physicians who object strongly to the termination of pregnancy on moral and
ethical grounds and the IMO welcomes the provision for conscientious
objection under head 12. However, patients who present with life threatening
illness must be reassured that they will receive adequate care and the
necessary termination to protect maternal life. Clear protocols must be in
place to ensure appropriate and timely referral of patients to other
colleagues in the case of conscientious objection.
[P.
18, accessed 2013-05-27]
Deputy Billy Kelleher: . . . In terms of GPs having conscientious objections, should there be an
obligation on a GP, when a patient arrives at a surgery and has reason to
believe there is a substantial risk to her life because of pregnancy, to
inform her of his or her conscientious objection to a termination of
pregnancy in the context of a threat to life by suicide or physical health
grounds?
[P.
20, accessed 2013-05-27]
Deputy Seamus Healy: Several contributors referred to the provisions
regarding appropriate locations, which refer to public obstetric units where
there is a mental health facility. The witnesses have indicated a preference
that this be broadened to include public hospitals in general. Will they
elaborate on this? Will they comment on the availability of medical
personnel to operate the system as outlined under the heads, particularly in
smaller hospitals in locations throughout the country? Will Professor Murphy
elaborate on the issue of conscientious objection?
[P.
20, accessed 2013-05-27]
Dr. Margaret O'Riordan: In response to Deputy Billy Kelleher's questions,
the Medical Council guidelines are very clear in regard to conscientious
objection. A general practitioner would have to inform a patient if he or
she had a conscientious objection.
[P.
20, accessed 2013-05-27]
Professor Kieran Murphy: Deputy Healy asked a specific question on
conscientious objection, so I will outline the current Medical Council
guidance on the issue. There are a number of points taken from the guide to
professional conduct and ethics for registered medical practitioners, and
members may recall that during our submission in January, we circulated
copies of the guide. We have not done so this time because we assume they
have seen it already. If Members wish to see copies of the guide afterwards,
we would be very happy to circulate them. With regard to conscientious
objection, the guidance is as follows:
10.1 As a doctor, you must not allow your personal moral standards to
influence your treatment of patients.
10.2 If you have a conscientious objection to a course of action, you
should explain this to the patient and make the names of other doctors
available to them.
That addresses the point made by Deputy Kelleher, which was also
addressed by Dr. O'Riordan in her response. The council wishes to see this
particular head extended in regard to the Medical Council's third point in
the guidance, "10.3 Conscientious objection does not absolve you from
responsibility to a patient in emergency circumstances." As we noted in our
submission, the Medical Council suggests that head 12 should be expanded to
ensure that the holding of a conscientious objection does not absolve the
registered medical practitioner of responsibility to a patient in emergency
circumstances. The view of the council is that the right to conscientious
objection must be balanced against the right of the patient, particularly in
the case of a medical emergency.
[P.
21, accessed 2013-05-27]
Senator Jillian van Turnhout: Conscientious objection is something everyone can understand and
appreciate but should we consider a requirement that as a general rule a
practitioner would declare his or her conscientious objection rather than
waiting until a situation got to a certain point? How do we ensure that
hospitals would have an adequate number of medical professionals who have
not declared a conscientious objection?
[P.
22, accessed 2013-05-27]
Professor Fionnuala McAuliffe: . . . In terms of doctors who are conscientious objectors, in a large number of
these cases we are talking about emergency situations and the practice and
care currently being delivered around the country. We do not have any
difficulty with the provision of emergency care around the country. We would
defer to the Medical Council in terms of conscientious objection for
non-emergency cases.
[P.
22, accessed 2013-05-27]
Dr. Margaret O'Riordan: In response to Deputy Conway's question, we must
remember that this is a very small group of women where there is a real and
substantive risk to the life of the mother. Therefore, the need for the
referral path may not occur very often in the average GP practice. That is
all the more reason it should be clearly defined and timely when we need to
avail of the referral pathway.
To answer Deputy Byrne's question, the situation is no different from any
other situation and it is normal practice for patients to approach the
health service through their general practitioners. In the vast majority of
instances it is through the general practitioners in the first place.
[P.
22, accessed 2013-05-27]
Professor Kieran Murphy: With regard, first, to Senator van Turnhout's
question, I am very pleased that she agrees with the Medical Council
position that heads 2 and 4 should be merged. As Professor McAuliffe has
outlined, that is also the position of the Institute of Obstetricians and
Gynaecologists.
On Senator van Turnhout's question on the difference between a registered
practitioner and a non-registered practitioner, the Medical Practitioners
Act, which regulates the profession, specifies that all doctors have to be
registered. If one practises in this country and one is not registered, it
is a criminal offence. It is very important for the legislation that it
makes reference to the fact that all doctors working in this country must be
registered.
To reply to Senator van Turnhout's question on conscientious objection,
the Medical Council guidance on conscientious objection, item 10.2,
specifically says that one must explain to the patient if one has a
conscientious objection and make the names of other doctors available to
them. This is an important provision because it protects the woman and
ensures that she is able to access the most appropriate treatment for her.
Care should not be dependent on any moral value the practitioner might hold.
[P.
22, accessed 2013-05-27]
Dr. Matthew Sadlier: . . . On Senator van Turnhout's question on
conscientious objectors, as the representative body for doctors we would be
insistent that our concerns regarding the use of information on whether a
doctor is a conscientious objector would not become a stigmatising or
discriminatory element in the interview and recruitment process to posts
within hospitals.
[P.
22, accessed 2013-05-27]
Deputy Peter Fitzpatrick: I thank the witnesses very much for making
themselves available. My first question is whether doctors and nurses who
wish to have no part in abortions under head 4, either directly or
indirectly, will be protected in their profession and livelihood?
[P.
22, accessed 2013-05-27]
Professor Fionnuala McAuliffe: In response to Deputy Peter Fitzpatrick,
it is fair to say the lack of evidence on the role of termination in the
treatment of suicidal pregnant women is an ethical concern for our members.
However, we need to remember that we are talking about pregnant women, in
respect of whom after consultation two senior obstetricians, plus or minus
physicians or psychiatrists, feel there is a significant risk to her life
which can only be averted by termination of pregnancy or early delivery of
the baby. We are talking about a small number of cases of very sick women
who need access to life-saving treatment. The general view of the institute
- the majority view - is that we will not differentiate between causes of
risk to life, whether they be mental or physical.
[P.
23, accessed 2013-05-27]
Professor Kieran Murphy: I will deal with Deputy Peter Fitzpatrick's
questions first. He raised issues regarding the guidance on conscientious
objection and also the guidance on abortion. As I previously read the
detailed guidance for doctors, I do not propose to waste the members' time
by going over the issue again. I have dealt with that issue previously.
[P.
23, accessed 2013-05-27]
Dr. Matthew Sadlier: On conscientious objection, if legislation is passed
it is meaningful only if it has sufficient resources and mechanisms to
action what it contains. It is very much the responsibility of employers to
have a system in place which includes professionals who do not have a
conscientious objection, thus protecting those who do from engaging in
practices with which they have a difficulty.
Deputy Denis Naughten: .
. . With regard to conscientious objection, what happens if in smaller units
all three existing consultants decide they are not prepared to get involved
in these procedures? Does this mean for any new posts created people's
personal opinions would have to be determined before they could be
recruited?
[P.24,
accessed 2013-05-27]
Dr. Méabh Ní Bhuinneáin: Emergency treatment excluded, the smaller
hospitals are networked - now formally, previously informally. If it turns
out that there are three conscientious objectors in one unit, the network
and institutions will have to decide, where care is delivered, if it is safe
and timely to hold that decision to treat until the woman can be
transferred. If it is not safe and timely to hold the decision to treat,
under current Medical Council standards, even conscientious objectors must
provide care, because guideline 10.1 is essential - one must not allow one's
moral standard to determine the care provided to the woman.
[P.
26, accessed 2013-05-27]
Dr. Matthew Sadlier: I will try to be as quick as possible. In response
to Deputy Naughten's comment regarding employment of staff, we would be very
opposed to a doctor's status of conscientious objection being a criterion in
whether he or she attains a post in a facility. We would view that as
similar to discrimination based upon religious, gender or other grounds.
[P.
26, accessed 2013-05-27]
Deputy Terence Flanagan: The ICGP's submission asked how doctors who
are willing to refer patients requesting a termination will be identified.
Do they propose that there be a register of doctors who have no objection in
principle to the direct and intentional killing of an unborn baby? . . . In
their comments on head 6 they suggest that "practitioners who declare a
conscientious objection must be excluded from review panels". Is it the
IMO's position that doctors should be screened for pro-life values and
excluded on that basis, or that review panels should be made up exclusively
of doctors who have no principled objection to the direct killing of an
unborn baby? To be intellectually consistent as well as being fair in terms
of the equal right to life of the unborn child, should practitioners who
declare support for general abortion rights be excluded from panels
determining whether abortion is an appropriate treatment for a threat of
self-destruction?
[P.
26, accessed 2013-05-27]
Professor Fionnuala McAuliffe: In terms of the lack of
evidence, an issue raised by Senator Rónán Mullen, the institute
acknowledges that there is a lack of evidence of the role of termination of
pregnancy. This poses an ethical dilemma for our members. We went through a
planned consultative process and we represent the majority view within
obstetrics and gynaecology in Ireland. Members will have an opportunity this
afternoon to hear views from individuals and individual units, but the view
presented in our submission is the majority view that emerged from a
consultation process that involved consultation with the executive members
and representatives of each of the 19 maternity units involved. Members are,
therefore, hearing the majority view within the specialty this morning.
[P.
28, accessed 2013-05-27]
Dr. Matthew Sadlier: We welcome the fact that there is a provision for
conscientious objectors and that doctors can object to engaging in this
process and are not being forced to engage in a process to which they
object, notwithstanding their obligations under the Medical Council ethical
guidelines which Professor Murphy alluded to previously. If they agree to
participate in this process, whatever morals and ethics they use to inform
their decisions is a matter for them. Obviously, they are guided by the
Medical Council guidelines and those of their own colleges and specialised
information.
[P.
29, accessed 2013-05-27]
Redacted Witness List:
-
Dr. Peter Boylan:
Clinical Director, National Maternity Hospital [Written
Submission]
-
Dr. Sam Coulter-Smith:
Master of the Rotunda Hospital, Dublin
-
Dr. Rhona Mahony:
Master of the National Maternity Hospital
Dr. Sam Coulter-Smith: In respect of loss of life from self-destruction there are a number of
issues that need to be raised. First, this is an extraordinarily rare
situation with the incidence of suicide in pregnancy of the order of one in
500,000 pregnancies as per United Kingdom figures. Second, our psychiatric
colleagues tell us that there is currently no available evidence to show
that termination of pregnancy is a treatment for suicidal ideation or intent
and, as obstetricians, we are required to provide and practice
evidence-based treatment. . . It, therefore, creates
an ethical dilemma for any obstetrician who has requested to perform a
termination of pregnancy for the treatment of someone with either suicidal
ideation or intent. Third, this legislation, I am sure, is designed to
create clarity and reassurance for both health professionals and patients
alike.
[P.
31, accessed 2013-05-27]
The fact that there is no gestational limit in respect of the third
scenario relating to suicidality is a major ethical issue for obstetricians.
I will illustrate this with two scenarios. First, let us consider the case
of a patient who is 25 weeks' gestation. If she is deemed to be sufficiently
suicidal to require a termination of pregnancy by one or more psychiatric
colleagues, an obstetrician who is tasked with dealing with this situation
is faced with an enormous ethical dilemma. Delivering a baby at 25 weeks'
gestation could lead to death, due to extreme prematurity or it could lead
to a child with cerebral palsy or with other significant developmental
issues for the future. This outcome would be entirely iatrogenic and the
responsibility of those clinicians who have agreed to be involved in the
process. This is a source of serious concern for myself and my colleagues.
[P.
31, accessed 2013-05-27]
Another clinical scenario which provides a difficult ethical dilemma is a
situation whereby at a woman's 20 week anatomy scan a significant but
non-lethal malformation is discovered. The patient, for a variety of
reasons, may decide that she cannot continue with the pregnancy and it is
causing her significant mental health issues with risk of suicide. The
obstetrician is left in the unenviable position of, by law, having to look
after the best interests of the baby but also the understanding of the
mother's issues. It would, therefore, seem appropriate in a case where there
is a risk of self-destruction that there is no gestational limit applied in
this situation as this creates a major ethical dilemma for us.
[P.
31, accessed 2013-05-27]
My overriding concern, however, in relation to the
whole area of self-destruction and termination of pregnancy to prevent same,
relates to the lack of evidence to show that termination is of any
assistance in this scenario and that we as obstetricians and gynaecologists
must be able to stand over the decisions we make as being based on good
medical evidence. . .
[P.
32, accessed 2013-05-27]
. . .Each of our Dublin maternity hospitals delivers approximately 9,000
women per year. The midwife to patient ratio is approximately half of what
it should be, the consultant to patient ratio is also half of what it should
be. We have seen an increase in the delivery rate in Dublin of about 30%
over the past six years and this has put an enormous strain on the
infrastructure of our hospitals. The increase in the number of women
delivered is now leading to a huge increase in the demand for gynaecology
services to the extent that waiting lists for routine gynaecology outpatient
clinics are currently well over a year and growing. The combination of these
factors means that it would be extremely difficult for us in the maternity
hospitals to take on any additional service which would require input from
staff in an outpatient setting in terms of assessment or in theatre time to
cope with an increase in the number of termination procedures.
[P.
32, accessed 2013-05-27]
In conclusion, I welcome this draft legislation, particularly in the area
of real and substantial risk to the life of the mother which pertains to
physical illness. I think, however, that there are significant concerns in
all areas of the medical profession in relation to this Bill when it comes
to suicidality. Our overriding concern relates to the lack of evidence to
show that termination of pregnancy is an appropriate treatment for women who
are deemed to be at risk of suicide. As obstetricians we are expected to
practise evidence-based interventions and first and foremost to do no harm.
This legislation should help in providing clarity and reassurance to
professionals and patients alike. To enact and underpin the idea that
termination of pregnancy is a solution or a treatment for a patient at risk
of committing suicide when there is no evidence to support that intervention
creates an ethical dilemma for our profession.
[P.
32, accessed 2013-05-27]
To make matters a little more difficult there is no gestational limit
mentioned in the draft at which this termination might happen. This opens
the possibility for iatrogenic prematurity with all the risks of infant
morbidity and mortality. Who will be responsible for these interventions? I
also confirm to the committee that we as a profession, and particularly in
my hospital, have concerns about the potential for increased demand for
termination services in this country as this may be an unintended
consequence of this legislation in its current form.
[P.
32, accessed 2013-05-27]
Dr. Rhona Mahony: Chairman and members of the
committee, I thank you for the opportunity to comment on the draft heads of
the protection of life during pregnancy Bill. I am the master of the
National Maternity Hospital. I am a practising obstetrician, having
practised for 17 years, and am a specialist in foetal and maternal medicine.
I have practised as a consultant at the National Maternity Hospital since
2008. . . .
. . . The indications for termination of pregnancy prior to foetal
viability include situations such as infection, choreoamnionitis, blood
pressure that we are unable to control, haemorrhage, treatment for some
cancers and management of severe medical disorders in pregnancy such as
heart disease. These situations are very complex and very rare. At the
National Maternity Hospital, which is one of the busiest maternity hospitals
in Europe, we have annually up to five cases.
[P.
32, accessed 2013-05-27]
Dr. Rhona Mahony: I am pleased to note that conscientious objection is
addressed in the Bill.
[P.33,
accessed 2013-05-27]
Dr. Peter Boylan: . . . If
a woman is referred to me by a psychiatrist whose opinion I respect - an
opinion which is not driven by ideology but by care for the woman, taking
everything into account - and if that psychiatrist believes the only way she
will be prevented from killing herself - it is her life I am talking about -
is by terminating that pregnancy and if I trust the psychiatrist's opinion,
I will terminate the pregnancy. If the mother dies through suicide, so too
does the baby. This is about the protection of life in pregnancy. That is my
comment in that regard.
. . .Foetal viability is considered in all of our clinical decisions.
This arises, for example, in the case of women with extremely severe
hypertension. In that case if a mother has seizures, she may well die or she
may effectively become brain dead or blind if we do not deliver the baby. We
will deliver a baby at 23 weeks in order to save a mother's life. As I said,
we cannot allow a woman who is pregnant to die in front of our eyes. We
cannot allow her to get to a situation where she may kill herself. If she
kills herself or she dies, the baby dies too. . .
[P.
34, accessed 2013-05-27]
Dr. Rhona Mahony: I will answer the questions Deputy Kelleher raised. If
the X case did not exist, would we still legislate for suicide? Suicide is
death. We are legislating here for the substantial risk to life. If one
commits suicide, one dies so, inherently, when someone plans to take their
life, they are at risk of dying. I make no distinction between medical and
physical risk to life. I am not talking about mental health disorder but
about the intent to commit suicide which can occur without a history of
mental disorder.
In terms of suicide and all the evidence we talk about, the incidence of
suicide is about one in 500,000. There is no evidence. When a condition is
that rare, it is impossible to perform adequate research or studies which
inform one because the condition and the outcome are so rare. If one was to
truly examine the issue of suicide, one would have to take a group of women
who planned to kill themselves and randomise them to termination of
pregnancy to prevent them from killing themselves or to not being allowed
have termination of pregnancy. I suggest that studies should never be done.
What we do instead is we defer to our psychiatric colleagues who are expert
in the assessment of suicide ideation and they use their clinical experience
and acumen.
[P.
35, accessed 2013-05-27]
Dr. Rhona Mahony: I am not a psychiatrist, but with regard to this business that there is
no evidence that termination of pregnancy is a treatment for suicide, we are
not talking about treating - we are talking about the risk to life. If
members want to remove suicide from the legislation, in the X case,
involving a 14 year old girl, is everyone in the room absolutely certain
there was no way that X would kill herself and no way that she would die? In
the case of a woman who does not want to be pregnant and who is so
distressed by her pregnancy that she tells us that she wants to kill
herself, can we all sit here and say we are absolutely certain she will not
kill herself? I cannot.
[P.
37, accessed 2013-05-27]
Dr. Sam Coulter-Smith: We have talked in detail about the consultant-patient ratio. Our
midwife-patient ratio is also approximately half of what it should be. The
internationally recognised appropriate ratio of midwives to patients should
be between 1:25 and 1:30. In our hospital at present it is approximately
1:50. That is in a situation where, at our peak levels of activity, there
were 42 deliveries in a 24-hour period last December.
[P.
40,, accessed 2013-05-27]
Dr. Peter Boylan: Deputy Robert Troy asked why we should separate medical from psychiatric
illnesses. I have always felt, like my colleagues Dr. Mahony and Dr.
Coulter-Smith, that if a particular procedure is required to save the life
of a mother, the reason the procedure is required should not depend on
whether the risk to her life is a consequence of a medical condition such as
a congenital or complex heart disease or the consequence of an imminent
danger that she will kill herself.
An issue we have not covered in great depth is that of conscientious
objection, which I propose to deal with briefly. It is important to note
that this issue also applies to the mother. We, as doctors, may make a
decision that a mother is very likely to die, unless there is a termination
of pregnancy, but the woman herself may refuse that termination because she
is willing to take the risk or she has a conscientious objection to
undergoing a termination of pregnancy. As doctors, we will respect that
wish. Likewise, the wishes of doctors and midwives who have a conscientious
objection to being involved in a termination of pregnancy will be
accommodated. Those of us who have trained abroad, in the United Kingdom and
elsewhere, have personal experience of this and not faced any difficulty
when it has come to performing terminations of pregnancy, primarily for
social reasons in the United Kingdom. There is no problem with this and no
need for people to be afraid. Nobody will be forced under this legislation
to do anything against his or her conscience. Everybody should be reassured
about this. We are adult, professional people.
[P.
42, accessed 2013-05-27]
Deputy Terence Flanagan: Dr. Mahony argued strongly before this
committee in January that greater clarity is required in the law governing
the termination of pregnancy, and that all the heads of Bill do is simply
quote verbatim the X case test without offering any assistance in
interpreting this, including what constitutes a real and substantial risk.
How does this provide the clarity she said was needed?
I ask all the witnesses how the proposed legislation currently stands if
two psychiatrists rule that a woman needs an abortion. Would an obstetrician
feel comfortable overruling their professional opinions? How is the role of
the obstetrician envisaged in that type of scenario? If a woman presents in
the 20th week of a pregnancy with twins, states she is suicidal and requests
an abortion for one twin - what is described as a "selective reduction" in
the UK - would doctors be willing to carry out such a termination? If two
psychiatrists told a doctor to abort a child at 20 weeks' gestation, would
it be done, or could the doctor request that the termination be delayed in
order to give the child a better chance of survival?
[P.
43, accessed 2013-05-27]
Dr. Rhona Mahony: . . . The Deputy commented on the
number of terminations performed elsewhere in the world. That is
disingenuous and does not add anything to today's debate. We are not talking
about termination of pregnancy for any reason; we are discussing termination
of pregnancy within a very narrow and confined context of risk to life,
where terminations of pregnancy are performed to save a woman's life. These
instances are rare. In my hospital, which is one of the busiest maternity
hospitals in Europe, we perform approximately up to five of these procedures
every year. Please do not confuse us with figures of 7 million or other
large numbers. That is disingenuous.
[P.
43, accessed 2013-05-27]
Dr. Sam Coulter-Smith: I do not have anything further to add to Dr.
O'Mahony's comments directed at Deputy Mathews. Deputy Terence Flanagan
asked what is a real and substantial risk to the life of the mother, which
is very difficult to identify. We should leave that up to our very competent
doctors in obstetrics and gynaecology, oncology and cardiology and any other
specialty dealing with very sick patients. We have a very high standard of
medicine in this country and it is appropriate to put legislation in place
to protect our doctors and let them do what they do best in treating women
and all patients to the very best of their ability. We do not need to be
prescriptive on those lines.
We were asked if an obstetrician would overrule a psychiatrist. We do not
have the expertise and experience in the psychiatric area to overrule a
psychiatrist, so I cannot see that happening. However, we do have
conscientious objection to protect us in that regard.
[P.
43, accessed 2013-05-27]
Dr. Sam Coulter Smith: Yes, our results are excellent and remarkable. I stressed
earlier that this was down to the skill and dedication of our midwives and
the excellent doctors who work from facilities that are absolutely not fit
for purpose any longer. To tell the committee about the Rotunda Hospital, we
have nine delivery rooms when we should have 16. Our public postnatal wards
were built in 1757. The infection control risks we face on a day-to-day
basis are ridiculous. It is absolutely crazy in this day and age that we are
providing modern-day obstetric services out of a building which is no longer
fit for purpose, but the results are fantastic. That is down to the staff.
When we are talking about saving mothers' lives, we should not use the
terms "abortion" and "saving mothers' lives" in the same sentence, full
stop. It is a dreadful reflection on anyone who would actually do that. This
is about saving mothers' lives, preserving dignity and not stigmatising
anybody. These are wanted pregnancies, loved pregnancies, and intervention
has to be made to save the mother's life. To call it an abortion is wrong.
[P.
44, accessed 2013-05-27]
Dr. Peter Boylan: The legislation is incredibly restrictive by
international standards. Any suggestion this is a liberal legislative
programme needs to be utterly rejected. Comparisons with the United Kingdom
or any other country in Europe - in fact, any other country apart from Malta
- are disingenuous and false. This is incredibly restrictive which everybody
needs to recognise. I have a fundamental problem with people abrogating the
term "pro-life" to themselves and trying to paint me into a corner where I
am held up as not being pro-life. Nothing could be further from the truth.
As I have spent my entire professional career trying to care for and save
lives, I have a fundamental personal objection to this.
. . . An obstetrician feeling uncomfortable can invoke the conscientious
objection clause. That is not an issue. Questions were asked about whether
we would terminate a single twin if the mother asked for it. No, let us not
go there, as that is getting into silly territory.
Senator Paul Bradford made reference to the health of the mother. This is
about the life of the mother; not about her health. We are concerned that if
a woman is not allowed to have a termination of pregnancy, she will die, not
that she will be unhealthy. This is about death. Stop introducing the term
"health" because it is irrelevant.
Ireland is not a chilling place. It is very good, but it is not because
of the facilities available or anything else; it is in spite of what Dr.
Coulter-Smith has very eloquently and repeatedly drawn attention to in terms
of deficiencies in services.
I was asked if I had ever been unable to intervene because of the current
legal situation, to carry out a termination of pregnancy and the woman had
died. I have not, but I have personal, inside information and knowledge from
the west of a woman who died last year because the doctors were unable to
terminate the pregnancy because of the law.
. . I also have personal experience as a junior
doctor of a woman who died during pregnancy because she had a conscientious
objection to termination of pregnancy. She was so desperate to give birth to
a child that she did and then she died. That happens too and we, obviously,
respected her wish.
[P.
44,, accessed 2013-05-27]
Dr. Peter Boylan: We were asked if we would ask a psychiatrist to delay a termination if
the duration of the pregnancy was 20 weeks. We are obliged under this
legislation to take due care to do all we can to preserve the life of the
baby. It is not a question of a psychiatrist rolling up and saying we should
terminate a pregnancy without any discussion between us. We do not act like
that. It is not a professional way to behave and we do not behave like that.
These will be joint decisions taken in consultation with our psychiatric
colleagues, whose opinions we respect and trust.
[P.
46, accessed 2013-05-27]
Dr. Sam Coulter-Smith: My comments on the first question would echo those
of Dr. Boylan. Senator Norris asked about babies being left to die or
deliberately killed. There is absolutely no question of that happening in
this country. He also asked if termination of pregnancy was the equivalent
of the death of a child. It is not, because it depends on the gestation at
which it occurs. We dealt with that earlier. He asked about the different
clinical scenarios. Where there is a threat to the life of the mother based
on a physical illness, in all likelihood the evidence will be much clearer.
Where there is a risk of suicide, the evidence is a little less clear and it
makes that situation much more challenging and difficult to deal with. That
is where the expertise of our psychiatric colleagues is required. Senator
Norris is absolutely correct that whether the intervention occurs because a
woman has a physical illness or because she is suicidal, the outcome of that
situation will be the same at a particular gestation.
[P.
46, accessed 2013-05-27]
Dr. Sam Coulter-Smith: On head 4 and intervening in a case of
suicidality, no obstetrician would have an issue with intervening and
performing a termination of pregnancy if it were to save the life of the
mother and if every other avenue had been explored and there were no others.
[P.
47, accessed 2013-05-27]
Redacted Witness List:
-
Dr. Gerard Burke:
Mid-Western Regional Maternity Hospital [Written
Submission]
-
Dr. Mary McCaffrey:
Kerry General Hospital in Tralee [Written
Submission]
-
Dr. John Monaghan:
Portiuncula Hospital in Ballinasloe [Written
Submission]
-
Dr. Máire Milner:
Our Lady of Lourdes Hospital
Dr. Gerard Burke: . . . On
the issue of resources, in the next decade we can expect in the order of 100
maternal deaths in Ireland. It is possible that one, two or three of these
potential maternal deaths might be affected by the legislation before us. In
terms of the number of possible deaths, therefore, this great intellectual
effort will affect a relatively small number of women. It is important that
the Oireachtas would at some point address the state of the maternity
services. The unit in Limerick which I represent, for example, has the
lowest number of obstetricians in the whole of Europe at two per 100,000.
This shortage of resources will likely lead to some difficulties in the
future.
We have identified two minor technical issues that should be addressed,
the first of which relates to the question of an ectopic pregnancy. It is
possible to have an ectopic pregnancy within the womb, in the cervix, in the
neck of the womb or in the scar of a previous caesarean section. We are
seeing more and more of the latter as the rate of caesareans has risen. One
can have a pregnancy that is ectopic but within the womb, and that is an
extremely dangerous condition which could fall under this legislation.
[P.
48, accessed 2013-05-27]
Dr. Mary McCaffrey: I thank the Chairman and the committee for the
opportunity to contribute to the discussion. Like Dr. Burke, I commend the
Government and the legal draftsmen on putting together these legislative
proposals under such difficult circumstances. My submission is intended to
reflect on how the proposed legislation might impact on the practice of
obstetrics in small to medium-sized units, that is, in units with three
consultant obstetricians on the staff. There are 12 such units out of the
total of 19 in the country, and they deliver approximately one third of all
babies. Therefore, they make up a significant number of deliveries. I will
not dwell too much on the issue of resources other than to say that, in
general, we would tend to be very under-resourced.
[P.
48, accessed 2013-05-27]
Dr. Mary McCaffrey: Regarding head 3, risk of loss of life from
physical illness in an emergency situation, sadly, in the course of our work
we deal all the time with patients who have severe impending infection,
severe pre-eclampsia or haemorrhage. The legislation now protects us in a
way that we were not protected before so we welcome it for those cases.
. . . For a significant number of colleagues with
whom I have discussed head 12, conscientious objection, this is a really
significant area. There are many obstetricians in the country who have
conscientious objections to being involved in providing termination of
pregnancy. This must be respected. Under Medical Council guidelines, they
are entitled to have conscientious objections. The important point is that
the public will know that where the life of the mother is at risk and where
medical care is needed appropriately, the care of the mother and her baby
will always be paramount for every doctor and that if a doctor has a
conscientious objection, he or she will have the facility to provide access
to another colleague in a timely manner. That is very important.
Over the past couple of months there has been some suggestion in the
media and elsewhere that doctors should have to declare their moral and
ethical objections to being involved in termination of pregnancy prior to
taking up employment. This has caused fear for a number of colleagues, not
those of us currently employed because we have our jobs but people in the
future might feel that they would be disadvantaged or discriminated against
at interview by an employer who feels that a certain doctor is not going to
do terminations but one who will do them is needed on the staff. This has to
be taken very seriously because under subsection (3) of head 12, "No
institution, organisation or third party shall refuse to provide a lawful
termination of pregnancy to a woman on grounds of conscientious objection".
If there is a hospital management structure that for whatever reason feels
all of its doctors must provide terminations, no doctor should fear that if
he or she applies for a job there and has a particular ethical point of
view, he or she will be discriminated against in getting a job. That is very
important. A few people would like to know who is the "third party" referred
to in that subsection because that was not clear to us.
[P.
49, accessed 2013-05-27]
Dr. John Monaghan: My second point refers to head 4, which deals with the risk of loss of
life from self-destruction. The other reason we are here today is the
Supreme Court case of X, which occurred 22 years ago. As an obstetrician, I
do not have any first-hand experience of psychiatry. It reflects an enormous
change in obstetric practice that an obstetrician is being asked to
intervene in a physically healthy pregnancy. While it appears from the
legislation that an obstetrician would be involved in the decision-making,
he is referred to otherwise possibly as a technician, suggesting that maybe
he should be involved so he does not feel like a technician. However, my gut
is extremely unhappy with the idea of a mindless terminator for psychiatric
reasons. This decision was made 21 years ago. From the hearings that were
held in January, I do not believe any case of suicide associated with
refusal of termination has ever surfaced. The evidence from my reading of it
seems to be extremely poor. Many of the speakers earlier were happy to take
the expert advice of a psychiatrist to act if required. I am not certain how
a psychiatrist can reach a decision on this matter where to date I do not
believe any evidence has been produced.
The psychiatric or suicide risk clause has been brought in in other
jurisdictions and has been widely - I would say universally - abused. Last
year, The Daily Telegraph did an exposé of the abuse of psychiatric
reasons in the UK, with the use of pre-stamped forms. People went to one
doctor to get a form stamped, then to another to get it stamped and then got
a termination. I can see no reason, despite the safeguards built into this
legislation, that culture could not arise in this country in the future. I
am extremely concerned as an obstetrician that I would be drawn into a
situation in which a termination of pregnancy will be done for psychiatric
reasons without very clear evidence that this is to the patient's benefit.
If the baby is going to lose its life in this circumstance, then I would
want to be very clear that there is a clinical benefit to the mother. To
date, I can see none of that. That is my big issue with the heads of the
Bill.
The other matter which I would like to deal with is the question of
conscience, which Dr. Mary McCaffrey mentioned as well. I use the term
"conscience" rather than "conscientious objection" because the latter
implies that this is a problem. Twice in the past few months, as a doctor, I
have been told that a doctor should leave his or her conscience outside the
room. I would ask the committee to reflect on what it means if a doctor
suspends his or her conscience faculties. Conscience is not a religious
concept. If one sees somebody beating a child on the street and one
continues to do one's shopping, then there is something wrong with one's
conscience. It is an obvious thing. For example, if I decided to suspend my
conscience with a patient on a waiting list and he offered me €300 to go up
the list, then that is a very tempting, painless and invisible transaction
which I am sure occurs in the political world. The only thing that will stop
a practitioner-----
[P.
50, accessed 2013-05-27]
In relation to the conscience matter, conscience has been under attack in
the past five years or so in the medical literature. I have attached two
articles on conscience to my submission - one hostile to and one supporting
conscience. The Bill to be produced should recognise the importance of
conscience rather than the importance of conscientious objection, on which I
would be happy to answer questions.
[P.
51, accessed 2013-05-27]
Deputy Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin: . . .In terms of a smaller number of professional colleagues, does this
create particular situations, given the larger body of colleagues those from
the major Dublin-based hospitals would have to call on? For instance, I
refer to the issue of conscientious objection, to which Dr. Monaghan
referred. Are there given situations where the witnesses may not have the
complement of necessary professionals to make the evaluations?
[P.
51,, accessed 2013-05-27]
Deputy Seamus Healy: . . . I have a related question on how smaller
units might be affected by conscientious objection. Could such objections
result in personnel not being available in smaller units to undertake the
provisions of the Bill?
[P.
51, accessed 2013-05-27]
Dr. Mary McCaffrey: I represent the second smallest unit. Clonmel is a
little behind us. The questions asked by Deputies Ó Caoláin and Healy about
smaller units are quite similar. I think we need to step back and look at
the three indications which are outlined under this Bill. When we talk about
the risk of loss of life from a physical illness in a medical emergency, we
are looking at women who have severe infections, bleeding or severe
pre-eclampsia. As I said already, sadly we deal with this every year in all
of the small maternity units throughout the country. We deal with it
appropriately and in a manner that is clinically appropriate.
. . . Conscientious objection would never come into play when someone's
life is in danger there and then. That has always been our practice at the
time the woman is dealt with. Nothing will change in that regard. Obviously,
we would expect every doctor to look after an acute medical situation. In a
less acute situation, we would expect doctors to meet their requirements
under the Medical Council guidelines. If they are not going to look after a
patient, we would expect them to ensure someone else looks after that
patient in a timely manner. I would be disappointed to hear there is any
unit where a person would suffer due to a conscientious objection of all the
staff. I do not think such a unit exists. We will always look after the life
of a mother and the life of a baby. . .
[P.
51, accessed 2013-05-27]
Dr. John Monaghan: The Deputy also asked about the overburdening of the
maternity services. Our unit at Portiuncula Hospital delivers approximately
2,200 mothers a year. We might encounter one or two cases of serious
maternal illness where the pregnancy has to be ended. I think the figure
given for the Dublin hospitals was 30 a year. Such cases do not overburden
the maternity service. If a patient has a very serious fulminating
pre-eclampsia, for example, she might need to be transferred to a tertiary
unit in Galway or Dublin. There may be problems with the transfer if there
is overcrowding in the tertiary centre. I do not envisage that this
legislation will overburden maternity services significantly unless there is
an explosion in the number of terminations of pregnancy under psychiatric or
self-destruction grounds. . . .
[P.
51, accessed 2013-05-27]
. . . The Deputy also asked about conscientious objection. As Dr.
McCaffrey said, if one is prepared to allow a mother to die, one is guilty
of very serious professional negligence. There has been no maternal death in
my hospital, or death of a woman who was transferred out of the hospital,
for 29 years. I am sure that is the norm throughout the country. It is not
true that the conscientious refusal by obstetricians to offer necessary
treatment which might involve termination of pregnancy is leading to
maternal deaths. I am sure it has been pointed out already that this
country's maternal mortality rate has always been significantly lower than
the rate in the UK, regardless of the figures one uses. Similarly, the
maternal mortality rate in Northern Ireland, where the UK Abortion Act does
not apply, is lower than the rate in the rest of the UK. I do not think
conscientious objection could be considered to endanger women's lives in any
way. We do not know where conscientious objection would arise in psychiatric
cases. I do not know how an obstetrician would deal with an emergency
precipitated by suicide. I cannot imagine that scenario.
[P.
51, accessed 2013-05-27]
Dr. Gerard Burke: This has never happened in
my career and I do not expect that it will. The numbers are so small, most
of us will never see this in an entire career.
The idea that you would have a patient arriving into your office with two
abortion tickets from random psychiatrists is nonsense. That is not the way
that medicine works. We would have a working relationship with the
psychiatrist. If you did not know the psychiatrist and did not trust them
you certainly would not be doing anything near terminating a pregnancy. The
institute has made a suggestion in this regard, there would be a second
obstetrician involved and I would support that. I can tell you, there are
very few of us in the country - 125 consultant obstetricians - and we are
not beholden to psychiatrists telling us what to do. We have to do this
procedure ourselves so we are going to be absolutely certain that it is
thoroughly justified, medically and ethically. That is the way medicine
operates.
. . . In regard to resources, we have very few obstetricians. When the
country was awash with imported money a few years ago not a red cent was
voted to improve the resources by this House. The Deputies were aware of the
issues because the numbers were well known but not a red cent was put into
maternity services. . .
. . . A conscientious objection would not arise in my unit. There are
eight of us and I do not think there will be any difficulty about providing
opinions and care. . .
[P.53,
accessed 2013-05-27]
Senator Jillian van Turnhout: I fully respect conscientious objection and it is important. Do we need
to consider, when we are examining geographically appropriate locations,
whether we will have an adequate number of professionals employed who have
not declared a conscientious objection?
[P.53,
accessed 2013-05-27]
Dr. John Monaghan: A related issue which I have studied slightly myself is the problem with
recruitment into obstetrics and gynaecology in the United Kingdom for the
last 35 years. The matter is well written up in the reports of the Royal
College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists. Another study which was
published in the British Journal of Obstetrics and Gynaecology showed
that recruitment into obstetrics and gynaecology was highest in Northern
Ireland and lowest in places like Leeds and Oxford. Certainly, Dr. Jim
Clinch, who was one of the doctors who was keen to come today but could not,
is of the opinion that if an abortion culture becomes widespread, it
seriously affects recruitment into obstetrics and gynaecology. That would
have been my experience. I worked in the NHS for three and half years in
total. Certainly, in my time in the north of England, I used to speak to
medical students and ask them if they would consider a career in obstetrics
and gynaecology. During the two years I was in the north of England, no
student said he or she was interested in a career in obstetrics and
gynaecology. When asked the reasons, fear of being sued and a hard-working
rota were cited, but the single biggest factor was that students did not
like the abortion culture, not for particularly ethical reasons but because
it was distasteful to them. [P.54,
accessed 2013-05-27]
Dr. Mary McCaffrey: I am not sure what the right answer is to whether
people should declare conscientious objections in advance. It would be
disappointing if people were discriminated against and disadvantaged. The
situation will be extremely rare.
[P.
55, accessed 2013-05-27]
Deputy Denis Naughten: . . . There are normally three consultants in
smaller units. Do the witnesses fear that if the three consultants had a
conscientious objection to carrying out procedures and one was to retire,
there would be an agenda to ensure a new consultant does not have a
conscientious objection and would be recruited on that basis?
[P.
55, accessed 2013-05-27]
Senator Jim Walsh: . . . Dr. Mary McCaffrey mentioned the conscientious
objection issue and, in particular, people opting out. That is a concern if
people of a particular disposition exclude themselves from the panels. As we
have seen in the media over many months, the medical profession have people
on both sides of this argument so the outcomes could be skewed as a
consequence. I wish to link that with the comments about the lack of
resources which have been made by all the groups appearing before the
committee. Resources often lead to shortcuts being taken. Therefore, while
it might start in a very thorough fashion, as happened in other
jurisdictions, that will change within a short space of time.
[P.
56, accessed 2013-05-27]
Senator Jim Walsh: Finally, I have a question for Dr. Monaghan and, indeed, all the
witnesses. Has there been any case in their experience where they have been
so inhibited by current legislation that they were unable to deal with a
mother whose life was at serious and substantial risk? Previous speakers
were asked that question and only one case was cited, which was the recent
case in Galway. I understood the coroner said in that case that, in fact, it
was different issues rather than the legislation. Are any of the witnesses
familiar with that case to shed more light on it?
[P.
56, accessed 2013-05-27]
Senator John Crown: . . . in
western countries maternal mortality is an extraordinarily rare event. In
Ireland in recent decades we have had entire years with no maternal
mortality. The occurrence of one maternal mortality is a disaster. If we
have to legislate to prevent one maternal mortality, we should do it. This
is not like cancer or heart disease mortality, where there are thousands of
deaths per year. This is different and we must treat it differently.
In the previous hearings, I got to the crux of the matter by putting the
Dublin folks through a detailed interrogation. We worked out that, although
figures are not kept, there are approximately 30 abortions per annum in
Ireland within the legal parameters of our Constitution, that is, to
preserve the life of the mother. They reckoned there were six to eight in
each of the Dublin maternity hospitals and, with a little extrapolation,
that is what we reckoned to be the probable total. I have asked some of my
colleagues about this and my understanding is that the great majority of
these will be for cardiovascular complications, blood pressure emergencies,
renal failure emergencies, occasionally haemorrhage and sometimes cancer.
Incidentally, in a long career of practising cancer medicine I have never
had to send anybody for an abortion to save their life. It is not typically
the way it happens. Many of my patients have made a decision to have an
abortion and I have supported them in their decision, but I have never said
to them that they need it to save their life.
Of the 30 cases per annum, the great majority will fall into the
categories I outlined. My best guess, and I ask my colleagues to comment on
this, is that in the majority of those cases it is not a sudden,
out-of-the-blue event where a previously normal healthy pregnancy suddenly
deteriorates. There is usually a warning - the woman has had pre-eclampsia,
which is a blood pressure and kidney problem occurring in pregnancy, or it
is discovered that the placenta is dangerously misplaced or that there is
cancer-----
My understanding is that in the great majority of cases there will be
warning, so the scenario of this type of occurrence occurring in one of the
smaller hospitals is very unlikely because the hospitals will generally
refer the patients to one of the larger, specialist units at an earlier
stage in their pregnancy where they will be cared for by the high risk
people. In those rare cases where it will occur in the smaller hospitals, it
will be category one or the emergency. It is the one where the patient is
either bleeding or dying of blood pressure, the doctor cannot consult, there
are no psychiatrists and the patient is not suicidal. The doctor sees a
woman whose life will drain from her body in the next few hours if they do
not end the pregnancy, something which is very rare. That is my
understanding of the only cases the witnesses will see. Is that the case?
Should anybody have a right to conscientious objection in that setting? If
they do, they should not be in that job.
[P.
56, accessed 2013-05-27]
Dr. John Monaghan: Consider the question of having a right to conscience
in a smaller department or rural unit. As I said, there is no evidence that
conscientious objection has led to any maternal death. Senator Jim Walsh
asked about the case in Galway. Certainly, there was no mention of the word
"conscience" in the inquest report, which I read.
[P.
57, accessed 2013-05-27]
Dr. Máire Milner: On the question of where I can find clarity in the Bill, I am not a
lawyer. I have simply read the heads of the Bill. In several situations in
my career I had a worry at the back of my mind about a woman who was very
sick with sepsis, in circumstances very similar to those in the Galway case,
and I had hoped nature would deal with it. In fact, that is what happened,
very happily. Nineteen times out of 20, nature does deal with things, but,
unhappily, it does not always do so. For me, my patients and the staff on my
team, the Bill gives my practice more clarity. I note this from having
talked to my colleagues.
[P.
57, accessed 2013-05-27]
Dr. Máire Milner: On the
conscience clause, I again refer to the comments of all of my colleagues.
First and foremost, we save the woman's life. We do not set out to terminate
a pregnancy, but one does what has to be done to save the woman's life.
There may be time to play with and one's conscience can come into that in
some way. It is as likely to be one's skills as one's conscience that will
come into play. As Dr. McCaffrey said earlier, if one does not feel one is
able to deal with something, if one has time to play with one can refer to
another colleague. The woman has a right to life, and that is the primary
right. I have dealt with most of the questions.
Senator Jim Walsh: Dr
Burke mentioned that conscientious people can opt out. If they opt out of
the panels, given that politicians and medical personnel can be broken down
onto one side or the other-----
-----that
might skew the outcomes because of the particular opinions of individuals
involved. There is also the question of a lack of resources giving rise to a
short-circuiting of the system. In other countries, all procedures were
fully followed at the start, but within the space of 12 months people were
taking shortcuts and notes were being left at reception already signed. A
lack of resources generally gives rise to such developments. Do the
witnesses know, in regard to the Galway case, whether a lack of
resources-----
Chairman: We are not-----
Senator Jim Walsh: Dr. Boylan put on the record that in one instance
that he knew of-----
Chairman: Sorry, Senator-----
Senator Jim Walsh: Or the lack of
legislation-----
Chairman: I ask the Senator to take his seat. He
is straining again.
Senator Jim Walsh: Is that true or untrue?
Chairman: To be
fair, when Dr Boylan made that remark this afternoon I asked him not to
reference it.
Dr. Mary McCaffrey: I
thank Senator Walsh. Ironically, I thought about conscientious objection
before I came to the committee today, and how the panels would be put
together. As I understand it, the personnel who will go onto the panels will
be nominated by the various institutes. Obviously, that will be the role of
the institute, and it would be nice if there was a balanced approach as to
who was on the panels. That would be important.
. . . I want to be quite clear about something which has not been said.
It is illegal for a doctor in this country to refer anyone to anywhere for
termination of pregnancy. It is almost unfair to ask us whether we have
referred patients because----- We have never referred women because it is illegal to
do so.
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Dr. Mary McCaffrey: In regard to the screening of job applicants, interview processes should
put the best candidates forward for the job. Providing for rare
circumstances is one aspect of the care we provide. What one would want is
to have people in these jobs who will ensure the safety and health of the
mother. I worked in the United Kingdom for a number of years and one is not
allowed at interview to ask questions such as those suggested. I recall only
one interview at which I was asked a question like that. I did not get the
job and I never knew whether it was because I said I would not do a
termination of pregnancy. We would have to be careful of discriminating
against people.
[P.
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Deputy Bernard J. Durkan: In regard to conscientious objection, to what extent is that principle
equally distributed between the right to life of the mother and the right to
life of the as-yet-unborn baby, bearing in mind that the Supreme Court has
made a particular decision in a rare situation?
Will the witnesses indicate whether, in the event that a close relative
of anybody in this Chamber were to present in an emergency situation at a
maternity hospital, it is recognised that whatever treatment is required for
that woman and that baby will be given to them regardless of ethical or
conscientious objections?
[P.
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Senator Rónán Mullen: We have talked a great deal about the conscientious objections of those
who might not want to carry out or certify terminations. If there is a
subjective element to a psychiatric determination in this case do any of the
experts believe it might arise that a person who, as a matter of his or her
personal philosophy, is pro-choice, might take the precautionary approach
when a person presents, given that it would appear that he or she lacks an
objective basis on which to certify? Is it possible that a person with that
philosophical mind-set might be more likely to certify that the abortion is
necessary as a matter of precaution?
[P.
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Deputy Bernard J. Durkan: The other question was about conscientious
objection, the equality of the unborn and the mother.
[P.
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Dr. John Monaghan: While the State recognises the equality of the mother
and the foetus I have never come across, or heard of, a situation in which a
doctor would have allowed a mother to die because he or she had a
conscientious objection to abortion. That would be an unconscionable action
for a doctor. In terms of the management because the child cannot survive
without the mother the doctor must act to save the mother's life and in
instances the baby loses its life as a consequence.
[P.
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Dr. Máire Milner: Correct. Somebody asked about a close relative and
whether it is recognised that appropriate treatment would be given
regardless of conscientious objections. I cannot speak for every colleague
in every situation.
[P.
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Deputy Arthur Spring: One of the issues which is pertinent is conscientious objection. One has
quite a small psychiatric unit and quite a small maternity unit in a
regional hospital. If a psychiatric unit is not adequate to deal with a
patient presenting with suicidal ideation, does that mean the patient should
be referred to a hospital where there is a substantial psychiatric unit? How
would that impact on the ability of that person to be able to obtain the
services should she merit a termination due to the fact that suicidal
ideation is a reality?
Dr. John Monaghan: Deputy Spring raised the question of conscientious objection between two
psychiatric units - in other words, if a person was suicidal, she would be
moved to another psychiatric hospital. Is that correct?
[P.
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Deputy Arthur Spring: If there was not adequate provision in a regional
hospital, would the person be moved to a larger hospital?
[P.
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Dr. John Monaghan: I am sure that would depend on the condition of the
patient and so on. As far as I know, there is not a huge amount of transfer
between psychiatric units. If one develops a mental illness, one would often
stay in the same hospital. I do not think there is sort of specialist
centres like there would be for neurosurgery or something like that. I
thought the Deputy was referring to the question of conscientious objection
in one institution and whether the patient could go to another one, but that
was not what he was asking. I would not be able to answer that question. I
think it would be best asked of a psychiatrist.
[P.
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